117 resultados para Altes Reich
Resumo:
OBJECTIVES Osteocytes, the most common cells of the bone, are buried in lacunae. Density and area of the osteocyte lacunae change with increasing maturation of the newly formed bone. Evaluation of osteocyte lacunae can therefore provide insights into the process of graft consolidation. MATERIALS AND METHODS Here, we determined the osteocyte lacunar density (number of osteocyte lacunae per bone area; N.Ot/BAr) and the osteocyte lacunar area in μm(2) (Lac.Ar) in histological specimens 6 and 12 weeks after the sinuses of 10 minipigs were augmented with Bio-Oss(®) , a deproteinized bovine bone mineral, and Ostim(®) , an aqueous paste of synthetic nanoparticular hydroxyapatite. The region of interest was defined by the following criteria: (i) >1 mm from the host bone, (ii) >0.5 mm from the sinus mucosa, (iii) minimum area of 0.2 mm(2) , and (iv) bone tissue spanning at least two bone substitute particles. RESULTS The overall osteocyte lacunar density was significantly higher in the Bio-Oss(®) group than in the Ostim(®) group and decreased during the observation period at a similar range in both groups. The osteocyte lacunar area was smaller in the Bio-Oss(®) group than the Ostim(®) group but there was no significant change within the groups over time. CONCLUSIONS These results suggest that bone substitutes affect the osteocyte lacunar density and the osteocyte lacunar area in the newly formed bone within the augmented sinus in this particular model situation. These measures can provide insights into the maturation of newly formed bone in the augmented sinus.
Resumo:
This article examines the architecture of the Nazi regime in two occupied cities of Czechoslovakia, Praha/Prag and Jihlava/Iglau (the latter being one of the traditionally German-speaking island in the bohemia country), and focuses specifically on the process by which Hitler youth organisations (Hitlerjugend) in case of ‘education’ and indoctrination of youth were or were not successfully established in these cities. As comparison, he takes the political-administrative centres of the Sudeten Reichsgau, Ústí/Aussig, Opava/Troppau, Karlovy Vary/Karlsbad and Liberec/Reichenberg. Drawing on Czech and German archive materials, the extensive body of modern analytical literature, and propagandist literature from the period studied, the author examines the extent to which architecture served as a projection screen for Fascist propaganda in the Occupied Eastern territories. He describes the role played by the Reichsstelle für Raumordnung and shows how the Reich’s propagandist objectives came to be reflected in a high specific typology and stylistic lexicon/configuration for the architecture of Hitler youth hostels and homes He examines the process by which these organisations were powerful implanted into the space of occupied Czechoslovakia (and Sudeten) too, a topic that has not yet been addressed in (art) history too. The building projects developed for the Protectorate (published here for the first time) and managed by the Reich’s Hitler Youth Leadership in Berlin (Kulturamt, Reichsjugendführung, RJF, Abteilung HJ) reveal the ties that existed between the construction authorities in the Reich and the Protectorate, including the Planning Committee for the City of Prague. The author asks how many German and Czech architects participated for their own profit in the Nazi system, and for future research raises the hitherto taboo question of guilt and collaboration with the Nazis and the perception of this phenomenon in art history, i.e. the measure of active cooperation of not just German but also Czech architects who contributed to the planning and implementation of projects and thereby unequivocally had a hand in consolidating the totalitarian regime and de facto in the forced „Germanification” of their own people under occupation.
Resumo:
Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die ikonographische Hintergründe der Ketubim, die für eine feministische Exegese besonders relevant sind.
Resumo:
When the German government faced for the first time an irregular war in German East Africa in 1888, it realised that it did not have the necessary means for such a conflict. Hermann Wissmann, an explorer, was therefore given the mandate to form and lead a force of mercenaries that was bound to him personally on the basis of contracts. Although Wissmann was successful in crushing the disturbances, the government of the Reich refused to give him a leading administrative position in the new formed protectorate subordinate directly to the Kaiser. It feared that the entrepreneur of violence, which had up to then been backed up, would not accept the regulations of colonial rule that should be implemented. Soon, however, it became clear that due to entrenched local views on sovereignty and legitimacy it would be difficult to transfer the western European concept of the monopoly of the state on violence to Africa.
Resumo:
Im Russischen Reich bildete sich ab den 1860er Jahren im Untergrund eine radikale Gegenelite heraus, welche die bisher geltenden Autoritäten, Konventionen und Werte in Frage stellte und durch etwas Besseres ersetzen wollte. In diesen Netzwerken fanden vor allem junge Menschen aus dem europäischen Teil des Russischen Reiches zusammen. Nationale Identitäten schienen sekundär. Russisch diente als Verständigungssprache. Entscheidend für die Aufnahme in diese Gegengesellschaft war einerseits die „persönliche Qualifikation“, andererseits eine gewisse schulische Bildung. Die verschiedensten radikalen Netzwerke können als Gesamtheit mit dem Begriff radikales Milieu gefasst werden. Dabei lehne ich mich an den Milieubegriff des Soziologen M. Rainer Lepsius an. Dieser definierte Milieus als „soziale Einheiten, die durch eine Koinzidenz mehrerer Strukturdimensionen […] gebildet werden.“ (Demokratie in Deutschland, 1993, 38). Die Strukturdimensionen des radikalen Milieus in Russland von den 1860er Jahren bis 1917 waren: a) Intellektuelle, meist „privilegierte“, städtische Mitglieder, b) Organisation in Zirkeln, c) eine Identität als Gegengesellschaft mit Gegenwerten, die eine Gegenrealität aufbaute sowie d) die Zugehörigkeit durch Kooptation. Obwohl sie den autokratischen Staat ablehnten, organisierten sich die Radikalen aber im imperialen Raum; ihre soziale Zusammensetzung spiegelte mit bestimmten Einschränkungen die ethnische und soziale Pluralität des Gesamtreiches wieder. In ihren autobiographischen Texten deuteten sich die Radikalen als „imperiale Gegenelite“. Dabei lässt sich auch ein Gefälle zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie feststellen: Die führenden Zirkel befanden sich meist in den grossen Städten des Reiches wie St. Petersburg, Moskau und Kiew oder im Exil und waren von dort aus gegenüber den Sympathisanten in den Provinzstädten oder gegenüber den Verbannten in Sibirien bei der Setzung interner Diskurse wegweisend.