101 resultados para ANTHROPOLOGY OF RELIGION
Resumo:
Der Vortrag fragt nach den Prozessen, in denen Religionswissenschaft seit dem 19. Jahrhundert selbst Teil der von ihr erforschten Religionsgeschichte wurde. Dabei stehen theoretische Überlegungen im Vordergrund, die von der These eine doppelten Beziehung der Religionswissenschaft (RW) zu „Religion“ ausgehen: RW hat „Religion“ zum Gegenstand und zum konstitutiven Aussen. Wie wird der Gegenstand „Religion“ diskursiv konstituiert und welche Rolle spielt/e dabei RW? Anhand zweier Beispiele sollen die Prozesse erläutert werden.
Resumo:
Der Vortrag geht der Frage nach, unter welchen Umständen es möglich und sinnvoll ist, von der Existenz eines Religionsdiskurses auszugehen und seine historischen Entwicklungen zu erfassen. Ich möchte dabei an einem historischen Beispiel zeigen, wie die Aushandlungen um die Klassifikation konkreter Gegenstande als "Religion" einerseits in ihren singulären Äusserungen von empirisch erfassbaren historischen, politischen, ökonomischen und anderen Faktoren abhängig sind. Andererseits besteht aber gleichzeitig eine Wechselbeziehungen dieser Aushandlungen mit der diskursiven Konstitution von Religionsverständnissen, Religionsdefinitionen und etablierten Zuordnungen, die als Tiefenstrukturen eines "Religionsdiskurses" im Hintergrund immer mitgedacht werden müssen. Ich werde von da aus argumentieren, dass ein Verständnis und eine Analyse diskursiver Prozesse im Kleinen nicht möglich wären, ohne die konstitutiven Wirkungen grösserer diskursiver Einheiten mit einzubeziehen.
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What meaning does God’s name convey? This was a question Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig had to answer when working on their translation of the Bible. They noticed that, as certain crucial biblical verses suggest, there is indeed a meaning behind God’s name in the Bible. Thus, an important moment in their joint translation was their account of the self-revelation of God in Exod. III, together with the question of how best to translate the tetragrammaton YHWH— the name of God. This article will explore their decisions, based both on their dialogue concerning the translation of the Bible, and on their papers, especially Rosenzweig’s well-known article ‘Der Ewige’ (‘The Eternal’) and Buber’s response to it. Less well known is the fact that there exist two unpublished typescripts by Martin Buber reflecting on the name of God, which will also be taken into consideration. Contrary to the received view that the choice of the personal pronoun to transliterate the name of God in the Bible translation was mainly Rosenzweig’s, I will show that it was actually a joint decision in which both thinkers’ philosophies,1 and a question that had haunted Buber since his youth, played an important part. The choice of the personal pronoun is an answer to this question, addressing the omnipresent God, the eternal Thou, in a kind of cultic acclamation.
Resumo:
Frank Neubert geht der Frage nach, wie Religion als Kategorie und wie Gegenstände und Akteure der sozialen Umwelt als Religion oder religiös diskursiv konstituiert werden. Im Fokus stehen die dabei aktivierten Differenzen und die Frage nach den Positionen der Akteure in diesen Diskursen. Dabei wird auch das Spektrum unterschiedlicher – teilweise diametral entgegengesetzter – Klassifikationen, der mit ihnen verbundenen Hierarchisierungen und ihrer historischen, sozialen und politischen Auswirkungen in den Blick genommen. Der Autor schlägt einen diskursiven Zugang vor, um mit der Kategorie Religion wissenschaftlich umgehen zu können, ohne selbst Religion definieren, Gegenstände klassifizieren und damit eine Position im untersuchten Diskurs einnehmen zu müssen.
Resumo:
For Jewish-Hellenistic authors writing in Egypt, the Exodus story posed unique challenges. After all, to them Egypt was, as Philo of Alexandria states, their fatherland. How do these authors come to terms with the biblical story of liberation from Egyptian slavery and the longing for the promised land? In this chapter I am taking a close look at Philo’s detailed discussion of the Exodus and locate it within the larger context of Jewish-Hellenistic literature (Wisdom of Solomon, Ezekiel’s Exagoge). In Philo’s rewriting of the Exodus the destination of the journey is barely mentioned. Contrary to the biblical narrative, in the scene of the burning bush, as retold by Philo, God does not tell Moses where to go. Philo’s main concern is what happens in Egypt: both in biblical times and in his own days. The Exodus is nevertheless important to Philo: He reads the story allegorically as a journey from the land of the body to the realms of the mind. Such a symbolic reading permitted him to control the meaning of the Exodus and to stay, literally and figuratively, in Egypt.
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In this paper I investigate the vivid discussions among Muslim theologians and philosophers about the relationship of reason and religion from the 11th to the 14th centuries – which continue to be used as points of reference today. I argue that the idea of Islam as a religion which is in harmony with reason was one of the key postulates of the dominant thinkers of that period, regardless of their school of thought or their attitude towards literal or allegorical ways of understanding the Coran. In consequence, religion has been rationalized or even intellectualized to a high degree while philosophy in turn has been deeply coloured by religious images and concepts. Yet the understanding of religion as well as of reason and its instruments has been so heterogeneous that rationalization could bear very different, even conflicting meanings, thereby undermining the postulated harmony. In seven theses I foreground several striking similarities and differences between theologians and philosophers who diverge in their usage and understanding of reason as well as of the nature of religion.
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Judaism and Emotion breaks with stereotypes that, until recently, branded Judaism as a rigid religion of laws and prohibitions. Instead, authors from different fields of research discuss the subject of Judaism and emotion from various scholarly perspectives; they present an understanding of Judaism that does not exclude spirituality and emotions from Jewish thought. In doing so, the contributions account for the relation between the representation of emotion and the actual emotions that living and breathing human beings feel in their everyday lives. While scholars of rabbinic studies and theology take a historical-critical and socio-historical approach to the subject, musicologists and scholars of religious studies focus on the overall research question of how the literary representations of emotion in Judaism are related to ritual and musical performances within Jewish worship. They describe in a more holistic fashion how Judaism serves to integrate various aspects of social life. In doing so, they examine the dynamic interrelationship between Judaism, cognition, and culture.
Resumo:
How did Islam survive in the Soviet Union, and how did it develop since 1991? In four case studies and four longitudinal surveys, senior specialists from the area and two German junior scholars discuss the transformations of Islam in Tatarstan, Azerbaijan, Daghestan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Several chapters analyze the Bolsheviks’ attack on Islam since the 1920s. Altay Göyüşov and Il’nur Minnullin demonstrate how the Soviets first attempted to draw some groups of Muslim scholars and intellectuals to their side, in Azerbaijan and Tatarstan, respectively. In the early 1930s collectivization and outright state terror made a complete end to the Islamic infrastructure, including mosques and pious foundations, Muslim village courts (as shown by Vladimir Bobrovnikov for Dagestan), Islamic educational institutions (as documented by Aširbek Muminov for Uzbekistan), as well as the Muslim press (analyzed by Dilyara Usmanova for Tatarstan); also Sufi brotherhoods became a main target of violent repression (Šamil‘ Šixaliev, for Dagestan). Repression was followed by the establishment of a modus vivendi between state and religion in the post-war period (Muminov, Bobrovnikov, Šixaliev), and by the instrumentalization of religion for patriotic purposes in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia (Christine Hunner-Kreisel, Manja Stephan, both based on fieldwork). By the early 2000s Islam was almost everywhere back under full state control; the leading role of the state for defining „good“ and „bad“ Islam is largely taken for granted. While similar forms of state pressure in all regions thus allow us to draw an overall picture of how Islamic traditions were repressed and reanimated, the „archival revolution“ of the early 1990s provides fascinating insights into the specific developments in the individual regions, and into the adaptation strategies of the Muslim scholars and intellectuals on the spot. Still, the Soviet heritage is still very palpable; also the attempts to leapfrog the Soviet period and to link up again with the individual local Islamic traditions from before 1917, and even the negation of the Soviet experience in the form of embracing Islamic trends from abroad, are often still couched in largely Soviet mental frameworks.