Una bella roba. ‘Novellare’ als Erzählkonzept in Boccaccios ›Decameron‹

Der narrative Entwurf von Boccaccios ›Decameron‹ und Boccaccios theoretische Reflexionen über das Erzählen stehen klar im Fluchtpunkt der horazischen Lehre des prodesse et delectare. Vor diesem Horizont entwickelt Boccaccio sein Konzept des novellare, das einerseits ein ‚Wiedererzählen’ (analog zu mhd. erniuwen) beinhaltet und andererseits zu einer neuen Autonomie des Erzählens vorstößt. Beobachten lässt sich dieser Vorgang des Erneuerns weniger in Boccaccios theoretischen Ausführungen (etwa im Schlusswort des ›Decameron‹ oder in den ›Genealogie deorum gentilium‹) als in seiner dichterischen Praxis. Als Schlüsseltext wird im Vortrag die Novelle von der duldsamen Griselda herangezogen, die das ›Decameron‹ beschließt und die mit den Worten una bella roba endet. Das ‚schöne Kleid’ ist einerseits traditionelle Dichtungsmetapher (im Horizont des investire bzw. integumentum), andererseits intradiegetischer Bestandteil des Erzähl-‚Stoffs’ der Novelle. Bei Boccaccio dürfte das Gewand der Griselda, zusammen mit deren wiederholt thematisierter Nacktheit, dazu dienen, eine in die Novelle verpackte stoische Lehre zu vergegenwärtigen, diese in eine Erzählung ‚einzukleiden’. Das Kleid der Griselda wird so zur ‚Pathosformel’ (in der Begrifflichkeit A. Warburgs) bzw. zum ‚Faltenwurf’ (in der Begrifflichkeit G. Didi-Hubermans), mithin zur Verkörperung eines ‚neuen Erzählens’, das sich (im Gegensatz etwa zu Dante) von metaphysischen Entwürfen emanzipiert und in der Autonomie sprachlicher Kunstfertigkeit, bis an die Grenzen des Erzählbaren gehend und didaktische Ansprüche überwindend, die Möglichkeiten literarischer Darstellung ausreizt. Von den Zeitgenossen wurde dieses Experiment zwar wahrgenommen, in seinen Dimensionen aber nur ansatzweise erkannt. Symptomatisch für diese Form der Rezeption ist Petrarcas lateinische Übersetzung der ›Griselda‹-Novelle (›Seniles‹, XVII,3), wobei der Verfasser – seinerseits die Kleidermetaphorik bemühend – das Übersetzen als ein stilo alio retexere auffasst und seine Version den (wohl vorwiegend männlich intendierten Lesern) als auf Gott hin orientierte Lehre anempfiehlt: ut legentes ad imitandam saltem femine constantiam excitarem, ut [...] hoc prestare Deo nostro audeant. Diese Rückführung von Boccaccios erzählerischem Wagnis ins Didaktische zeigt sich auch in der Rezeption von Petrarcas Übersetzung, durch welche die Novelle im Europa des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts weite Verbreitung fand: In einer der Haupthandschriften von Chaucers ›Canterbury Tales‹, dem Hengwrt Manuscript (Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales), wird die auf der ›Griselda‹-Novelle aufbauende Erzählung des Scholaren (›The Clerk’s Tale‹) mit Bestandteilen aus Petrarcas Übersetzung glossiert; in einer Handschrift aus dem Besitz des Nürnberger Humanisten Hartmann Schedel (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 504) wird Petrarcas Konzept des stilo alio retexere erläutert als: claram facere, nudare [...], aperire, wobei hier die in Boccaccios Novelle intradiegetisch enthaltene Spannung von ‚Einkleidung’ und ‚Nacktheit’ auf einer lehrhaften Ebene fortwirkt.

“Crye Fredome”? Medievalism and Twenty-First-Century Scottish National Identity

It is a well-documented fact that the Middle Ages have had a long history of instrumentalisation by nationalisms. 19th-century Eu¬rope in particular witnessed an origins craze during the process of nation-building. In the post-Shoah, post-modern West, on the other hand, we might expect this kind of medievalist master nar¬rative to have been consigned to the dustbin of history. And yet, as nationalism surges again in Europe, negotiations of national identi¬ties in medieval dress seem to have become fashionable once more. In order to come to terms with the fragmented and often contradictory presence of the Middle Ages in these discourses of national identity, I propose we consider medievalism a utilitarian product of the cultural memory. Rather than representing any ‘real’ Middle Ages, then, medievalism tailors available knowledge of the medieval past to the diverse social needs and ideologies of the present. This paper looks at a selection of Scottish examples of present-day medievalism in an attempt to investigate, in particular, the place of the medieval Wars of Scottish Independence in contemporary negotiations of ‘Scottishness’. Both the relationships envisioned between self and other and the role played by ‘the land’ in these cultural, social and political instances of national introspection offer starting points for critical inquiry. Moreover, the analysis of a scholarly intervention in the run-up to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum indicates an intriguing dialogue of academic and non-academic voices in the context of Scottish medievalist cultural memory. We thus find a wide array of uses of the Scottish Middle Ages, some of which feed into the burgeoning nationalism of recent years, while others offer more pensive and ambivalent answers to the question of what it means to be Scottish in the 21st century.

Fail But Try Again? The Effects of Age, Gender, and Multiple-Owner Experience on Failed Entrepreneurs’ Reentry

We investigate what leads failed entrepreneurs to reenter entrepreneurship by taking a developmental career perspective. Specifically, we hypothesize that the age of failed entrepreneurs has a nonlinear relationship with the likelihood of reentering entrepreneurship that follows different career stages (early, middle, and late). The gender of failed entrepreneurs and multiple-owner experience in the failed firm are hypothesized to be moderators of this relationship. We test our hypotheses using a database consisting of the Swedish population, including 4,761 entrepreneurs who failed between 2000 and 2004. Analyzing their career paths over the years following their failure offers support for our theoretical expectations.

Early and Middle Holocene Hunter-Gatherer Occupations in Western Amazonia: The Hidden Shell Middens

We report on previously unknown early archaeological sites in the Bolivian lowlands, demonstrating for the first time early and middle Holocene human presence in western Amazonia. Multidisciplinary research in forest islands situated in seasonally-inundated savannahs has revealed stratified shell middens produced by human foragers as early as 10,000 years ago, making them the oldest archaeological sites in the region. The absence of stone resources and partial burial by recent alluvial sediments has meant that these kinds of deposits have, until now, remained unidentified. We conducted core sampling, archaeological excavations and an interdisciplinary study of the stratigraphy and recovered materials from three shell midden mounds. Based on multiple lines of evidence, including radiocarbon dating, sedimentary proxies (elements, steroids and black carbon), micromorphology and faunal analysis, we demonstrate the anthropogenic origin and antiquity of these sites. In a tropical and geomorphologically active landscape often considered challenging both for early human occupation and for the preservation of hunter-gatherer sites, the newly discovered shell middens provide evidence for early to middle Holocene occupation and illustrate the potential for identifying and interpreting early open-air archaeological sites in western Amazonia. The existence of early hunter-gatherer sites in the Bolivian lowlands sheds new light on the region’s past and offers a new context within which the late Holocene “Earthmovers” of the Llanos de Moxos could have emerged.

OSL and TL dating of the Middle Stone Age sequence at Diepkloof Rock Shelter (South Africa): a clarification

Diepkloof Rock Shelter offers an exceptional opportunity to study the onset and evolution of both Still Bay (SB) and Howiesons Poort (HP) techno-complexes. However, previous age estimates based on luminescence dating of burnt quartzites (Tribolo et al., 2009) and of sediments (Jacobs et al., 2008) were not in agreement. Here, we present new luminescence ages for 17 rock samples (equivalent dose estimated with a SAR-ITL protocol instead of classical MAAD-TL) as well as for 5 sediment samples (equivalent dose estimated with SAR-single grain OSL protocol) and an update of the 22 previous age estimates for burnt lithics (modified calibration and beta dose estimates). While a good agreement between the rock and sediment ages is obtained, these estimates are still significantly older than those reported by Jacobs et al. (2008). After our own analyses of the sediment from Diepkloof, it is suspected that these authors did not correctly chose the parameters for the equivalent dose determination, leading to an underestimate of the equivalent doses, and thus of the ages. From bottom to top, the mean ages are 100 ± 10 ka for stratigraphic unit (SU) Noël and 107 ± 11 ka for SU Mark (uncharacterized Lower MSA), 100 ± 10 ka for SU Lynn-Leo (Pre-SB type Lynn), 109 ± 10 ka for SUs Kim-Larry (SB), 105 ± 10 ka for SUs Kerry-Kate and 109 ± 10 ka for SU Jess (Early HP), 89 ± 8 ka for SU Jude (MSA type Jack), 77 ± 8 ka for SU John, 85 ± 9 ka for SU Fox, 83 ± 8 ka for SU Fred and 65 ± 8 ka for SU OB5 (Intermediate HP), 52 ± 5 ka for SUs OB2-4 (Late HP). This chronology, together with the technological analyses, greatly modifies the current chrono-cultural model regarding the SB and the HP and has important archaeological implications. Indeed, SB and HP no longer appear as short-lived techno-complexes with synchronous appearances for each and restricted to Oxygen Isotopic Stage (OIS) 4 across South Africa, as suggested by Jacobs et al. (2008, 2012). Rather, the sequence of Diepkloof supports a long chronology model with an early appearance of both SB and HP in the first half of OIS 5 and a long duration of the HP into OIS 3. These new dates imply that different technological traditions coexisted during OIS 5 and 4 in southern Africa and that SB and HP can no longer be considered as horizon markers.