85 resultados para 320.01
Resumo:
Food security is important. A rising world population coupled with climate change creates growing pressure on global world food supplies. States alleviate this pressure domestically by attracting agri-foreign direct investment (agri-FDI). This is a high-risk strategy for weak states: the state may gain valuable foreign currency, technology and debt-free growth; but equally, investors may fail to deliver on their commitments and exploit weak domestic legal infrastructure to ‘grab’ large areas of prime agricultural land, leaving only marginal land for domestic production. A net loss to local food security and to the national economy results. This is problematic because the state must continue to guarantee its citizens’ right to food and property. Agri-FDI needs close regulation to maximise its benefit. This article maps the multilevel system of governance covering agri-FDI. We show how this system creates asymmetric rights in favour of the investor to the detriment of the host state’s food security and how these problems might be alleviated.
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In general, fiscal adjustments are associated with significant reductions in social spending. Hence, the welfare state is not spared from austerity. Because the welfare state is still central to party competition, this is electorally risky. The paper addresses the following questions: Do left parties differ from their centrist and rightist competitors in the design of austerity measures? And does government type has an impact on the extent to which austerity policies rely on social spending cuts? By comparing 17 OECD countries between 1982 and 2009 we show that if governments embark on a path to austerity, their ideology does not have a significant effect on the magnitude of welfare state retrenchment. However, if major opposition parties and interest groups rally against social spending cuts, a broad pro-reform coalition is a crucial precondition for large fiscal consolidation programs to rely on substantial cuts to social security.
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This article reconceptualizes shared rule and uses novel data to measure it, thus addressing two shortcomings of federal literature. First, while most studies focus on self-rule, one question that is largely neglected is how lower-level governments can influence politics at a higher level in the absence of “second” chambers. The answer is through shared rule. A second shortcoming is that even when addressing this question, scholars concentrate on constitutional-administrative aspects of vertical intergovernmentalism, neglecting more informal, “political” dynamics. Comparing the twenty-six Swiss cantons allows drawing two lessons for federal studies: That shared rule is multifaceted and complex, and that to study informal territorial actors as well as direct political processes is indispensable to understand how power is actually distributed in federal political systems.
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Drug-induced liver injury is a major safety issue. It can cause severe disease and is a common cause of the withdrawal of drugs from the pharmaceutical market. Recent studies have identified the HLA-B(∗)57:01 allele as a risk factor for floxacillin (FLUX)-induced liver injury and have suggested a role for cytotoxic CD8(+) T cells in the pathomechanism of liver injury caused by FLUX. This study aimed to confirm the importance of FLUX-reacting cytotoxic lymphocytes in the pathomechanism of liver injury and to dissect the involved mechanisms of cytotoxicity. IHC staining of a liver biopsy from a patient with FLUX-induced liver injury revealed periportal inflammation and the infiltration of cytotoxic CD3(+) CD8(+) lymphocytes into the liver. The infiltration of cytotoxic lymphocytes into the liver of a patient with FLUX-induced liver injury demonstrates the importance of FLUX-reacting T cells in the underlying pathomechanism. Cytotoxicity of FLUX-reacting T cells from 10 HLA-B(∗)57:01(+) healthy donors toward autologous target cells and HLA-B(∗)57:01-transduced hepatocytes was analyzed in vitro. Cytotoxicity of FLUX-reacting T cells was concentration dependent and required concentrations in the range of peak serum levels after FLUX administration. Killing of target cells was mediated by different cytotoxic mechanisms. Our findings emphasize the role of the adaptive immune system and especially of activated drug-reacting T cells in human leukocyte antigen-associated, drug-induced liver injury.
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Different socio-economic and environmental drivers lead local communities in mountain regions to adapt land use practices and engage in protection policies. The political system also has to develop new approaches to adapt to those drivers. Local actors are the target group of those policy approaches, and the question arises of if and how much those actors are consulted or even integrated into the design of local land use and protection policies. This article addresses this question by comparing seven different case studies in Swiss mountain regions. Through a formal social network analysis, the inclusion of local actors in collaborative policy networks is investigated and compared to the involvement of other stakeholders representing the next higher sub-national or national decisional levels. Results show that there is a significant difference (1) in how local actors are embedded compared to other stakeholders; and (2) between top-down versus bottom-up designed policy processes.
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Background: Current literature suggests a positive influence of additive classical homeopathyon global health and well-being in cancer patients. Besides encouraging case reports, thereis little if any research on long-term survival of patients who obtain homeopathic care duringcancer treatment. Design: Data from cancer patients who had undergone homeopathic treatment complementaryto conventional anti-cancer treatment at the Outpatient Unit for Homeopathy in MalignantDiseases, Medical University Vienna, Department of Medicine I, Vienna, Austria, were collected,described and a retrospective subgroup-analysis with regard to survival time was performed.Patient inclusion criteria were at least three homeopathic consultations, fatal prognosis ofdisease, quantitative and qualitative description of patient characteristics, and survival time. Results: In four years, a total of 538 patients were recorded to have visited the OutpatientUnit Homeopathy in Malignant Diseases, Medical University Vienna, Department of Medicine I, Vienna, Austria. 62.8% of them were women, and nearly 20% had breast cancer. From the 53.7%(n = 287) who had undergone at least three homeopathic consultations within four years, 18.7%(n = 54) fulfilled inclusion criteria for survival analysis. The surveyed neoplasms were glioblas-toma, lung, cholangiocellular and pancreatic carcinomas, metastasized sarcoma, and renal cellcarcinoma. Median overall survival was compared to expert expectations of survival outcomesby specific cancer type and was prolonged across observed cancer entities (p < 0.001). Conclusion: Extended survival time in this sample of cancer patients with fatal prognosis butadditive homeopathic treatment is interesting. However, findings are based on a small sample,and with only limited data available about patient and treatment characteristics. The relationshipbetween homeopathic treatment and survival time requires prospective investigation in largersamples possibly using matched-pair control analysis or randomized trials.
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The talk presents the theoretical approach, the design of the data collection and some preliminary results of an ongoing research project on economic liberalization in mature democracies. Starting from findings of an analysis of austerity policies, I show that there is hardly the choice to avoid liberalization, but there are several ways of liberalization. Negotiated liberalization is feasible if problem pressures are low and actors have incentives to negotiate. These incentives are outcomes of politico-institutional configurations.
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DNA can serve as a versatile scaffold for chromophore assemblies. For example, light-harvesting antennae have been realized by incorporating phenanthrene and pyrene building blocks into DNA strands. It was shown that by exciting at 320 nm (absorption of phenanthrene), an emission at 450 nm is observed which corresponds to a phenanthrene-pyrene exciplex. The more phenanthrenes are added into the DNA duplex, the higher is the fluorescence intensity with no significant change in quantum yield. This shows that phenanthrene acts as a donor and efficiently transfers the excitation energy to the pyrene. Up to now, the mechanism of this energy transfer and exciplex formation is not known. Therefore, we first aim at studying the photo-cycle of such DNA assemblies through transient absorption spectroscopy. Based on the results, we will explore ways to manipulate the energy transfer by application of intense THz fields. Ground as well as excited state Stark effect dynamics will be investigated.
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OBJECTIVE To systematically review evidence on genetic risk factors for carbamazepine (CBZ)-induced hypersensitivity reactions (HSRs) and provide practice recommendations addressing the key questions: (1) Should genetic testing for HLA-B*15:02 and HLA-A*31:01 be performed in patients with an indication for CBZ therapy to reduce the occurrence of CBZ-induced HSRs? (2) Are there subgroups of patients who may benefit more from genetic testing for HLA-B*15:02 or HLA-A*31:01 compared to others? (3) How should patients with an indication for CBZ therapy be managed based on their genetic test results? METHODS A systematic literature search was performed for HLA-B*15:02 and HLA-A*31:01 and their association with CBZ-induced HSRs. Evidence was critically appraised and clinical practice recommendations were developed based on expert group consensus. RESULTS Patients carrying HLA-B*15:02 are at strongly increased risk for CBZ-induced Stevens-Johnson syndrome/toxic epidermal necrolysis (SJS/TEN) in populations where HLA-B*15:02 is common, but not CBZ-induced hypersensitivity syndrome (HSS) or maculopapular exanthema (MPE). HLA-B*15:02-positive patients with CBZ-SJS/TEN have been reported from Asian countries only, including China, Thailand, Malaysia, and India. HLA-B*15:02 is rare among Caucasians or Japanese; no HLA-B*15:02-positive patients with CBZ-SJS/TEN have been reported so far in these groups. HLA-A*31:01-positive patients are at increased risk for CBZ-induced HSS and MPE, and possibly SJS/TEN and acute generalized exanthematous pustulosis (AGEP). This association has been shown in Caucasian, Japanese, Korean, Chinese, and patients of mixed origin; however, HLA-A*31:01 is common in most ethnic groups. Not all patients carrying either risk variant develop an HSR, resulting in a relatively low positive predictive value of the genetic tests. SIGNIFICANCE This review provides the latest update on genetic markers for CBZ HSRs, clinical practice recommendations as a basis for informed decision making regarding the use of HLA-B*15:02 and HLA-A*31:01 genetic testing in patients with an indication for CBZ therapy, and identifies knowledge gaps to guide future research. A PowerPoint slide summarizing this article is available for download in the Supporting Information section here.
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The central assumption in the literature on collaborative networks and policy networks is that political outcomes are affected by a variety of state and nonstate actors. Some of these actors are more powerful than others and can therefore have a considerable effect on decision making. In this article, we seek to provide a structural and institutional explanation for these power differentials in policy networks and support the explanation with empirical evidence. We use a dyadic measure of influence reputation as a proxy for power, and posit that influence reputation over the political outcome is related to vertical integration into the political system by means of formal decision-making authority, and to horizontal integration by means of being well embedded into the policy network. Hence, we argue that actors are perceived as influential because of two complementary factors: (a) their institutional roles and (b) their structural positions in the policy network. Based on temporal and cross-sectional exponential random graph models, we compare five cases about climate, telecommunications, flood prevention, and toxic chemicals politics in Switzerland and Germany. The five networks cover national and local networks at different stages of the policy cycle. The results confirm that institutional and structural drivers seem to have a crucial impact on how an actor is perceived in decision making and implementation and, therefore, their ability to significantly shape outputs and service delivery.
Resumo:
The paper addresses the question of which factors drive the formation of policy preferences when there are remaining uncertainties about the causes and effects of the problem at stake. To answer this question we examine policy preferences reducing aquatic micropollutants, a specific case of water protection policy and different actor groups (e.g. state, science, target groups). Here, we contrast two types of policy preferences: a) preventive or source-directed policies, which mitigate pollution in order to avoid contact with water; and b) reactive or end-of-pipe policies, which filter water already contaminated by pollutants. In a second step, we analyze the drivers for actors’ policy preferences by focusing on three sets of explanations, i.e. participation, affectedness and international collaborations. The analysis of our survey data, qualitative interviews and regression analysis of the Swiss political elite show that participation in the policy-making process leads to knowledge exchange and reduces uncertainties about the policy problem, which promotes preferences for preventive policies. Likewise, actors who are affected by the consequences of micropollutants, such as consumer or environmental associations, opt for anticipatory policies. Interestingly, we find that uncertainties about the effectiveness of preventive policies can promote preferences for end-of-pipe policies. While preventive measures often rely on (uncertain) behavioral changes of target groups, reactive policies are more reliable when it comes to fulfilling defined policy goals. Finally, we find that in a transboundary water management context, actors with international collaborations prefer policies that produce immediate and reliable outcomes.