40 resultados para Transition to democracy, political regime, authoritarianism, democracy, democratization.
Resumo:
Evidence-based decisions on indicated prevention in early psychosis require large-scale studies on the pathways to care in high-risk subjects. EPOS (The European Prediction of Psychosis Study), a prospective multi-center, naturalistic field study in four European countries (Finland, Germany, The Netherlands and England), was designed to acquire accurate knowledge about pathways to care and delay in obtaining specialized high risk care. Our high risk sample (n=233) reported on average 2.9 help-seeking contacts, with an average delay between onset of relevant problems to initial help-seeking contact of 72.6 weeks, and between initial help-seeking contact and reaching specialized high risk care of 110.9 weeks. This resulted in a total estimated duration of an unrecognized risk for psychosis of 3 ½ years. Across EPOS EU regions, about 90% of care pathway contacts were within professional health care sectors. Between EPOS regions, differences in the pathways parameters including early detection and health-care systems were often very pronounced. High-risk participants who later made transition to a full psychotic disorder had significantly longer delays between initial help-seeking and receiving appropriate interventions. Our study underlines the need for regionally adapted implementation of early detection and intervention programs within respective mental health and health care networks, including enhancing public awareness of early psychosis.
Resumo:
Self-regulation plays an important role in successful adaptation to preschool and school contexts as well as in later academic achievement. The current study relates different aspects of self-regulation such as temperamental effortful control and executive functions (updating, inhibition, and shifting) to different aspects of adaptation to school such as learning-related behavior, school grades, and performance in standardized achievement tests. The relationship between executive functions/effortful control and academic achievement has been established in previous studies; however, little is known about their unique contributions to different aspects of adaptation to school and the interplay of these factors in young school children. Results of a 1-year longitudinal study (N = 459) revealed that unique contributions of effortful control (parental report) to school grades were fully mediated by children’s learning-related behavior. On the other hand, the unique contributions of executive functions (performance on tasks) to school grades were only partially mediated by children’s learning-related behavior. Moreover, executive functions predicted performance in standardized achievement tests exclusively, with comparable predictive power for mathematical and reading/writing skills. Controlling for fluid intelligence did not change the pattern of prediction substantially, and fluid intelligence did not explain any variance above that of the two included aspects of self-regulation. Although effortful control and executive functions were not significantly related to each other, both aspects of self-regulation were shown to be important for fostering early learning and good classroom adjustment in children around transition to school.
Resumo:
In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.
Development of meta-representations: Procedural metacognition and the relationship to Theory of Mind
Resumo:
In several studies it was shown that metacognitive ability is crucial for children and their success in school. Much less is known about the emergence of that ability and its relationship to other meta-representations like Theory of Mind competencies. In the past years, a growing literature has suggested that metacognition and Theory of Mind could theoretically be assumed to belong to the same developmental concept. Since then only a few studies showed empirically evidence that metacognition and Theory of Mind are related. But these studies focused on declarative metacognitive knowledge rather than on procedural metacognitive monitoring like in the present study: N = 159 children were first tested shortly before making the transition to school (aged between 5 1/2 and 7 1/2 years) and one year later at the end of their first grade. Analyses suggest that there is in fact a significant relation between early metacognitive monitoring skills (procedural metacognition) and later Theory of Mind competencies. Notably, language seems to play a crucial role in this relationship. Thus our results bring new insights in the research field of the development of meta-representation and support the view that metacognition and Theory of Mind are indeed interrelated, but the precise mechanisms yet remain unclear.
Resumo:
Replication-dependent histone genes are up-regulated during the G1/S phase transition to meet the requirement for histones to package the newly synthesized DNA. In mammalian cells, this increment is achieved by enhanced transcription and 3' end processing. The non-polyadenylated histone mRNA 3' ends are generated by a unique mechanism involving the U7 small ribonucleoprotein (U7 snRNP). By using affinity purification methods to enrich U7 snRNA, we identified FUS/TLS as a novel U7 snRNP interacting protein. Both U7 snRNA and histone transcripts can be precipitated by FUS antibodies predominantly in the S phase of the cell cycle. Moreover, FUS depletion leads to decreased levels of correctly processed histone mRNAs and increased levels of extended transcripts. Interestingly, FUS antibodies also co-immunoprecipitate histone transcriptional activator NPAT and transcriptional repressor hnRNP UL1 in different phases of the cell cycle. We further show that FUS binds to histone genes in S phase, promotes the recruitment of RNA polymerase II and is important for the activity of histone gene promoters. Thus, FUS may serve as a linking factor that positively regulates histone gene transcription and 3' end processing by interacting with the U7 snRNP and other factors involved in replication-dependent histone gene expression.
Resumo:
How do institutional settings and their embedded policy principles affect gender-typed enrolment in educational programmes? Based on gender-sensitive theories on career choice, we hypothesised that gender segregation in education is higher with a wider range of offers of vocational programmes. By analysing youth survey and panel data, we tested this assumption for Germany, Norway and Canada, three countries whose educational systems represent a different mix of academic, vocational and universalistic education principles. We found that vocational programmes are considerably more gender-segregated than are academic (e.g. university) programmes. Men, more so than women, can avoid gender-typed programmes by passing on to a university education. This in turn means that as long as their secondary school achievement does not allow for a higher education career, they have a higher likelihood of being allocated to male-typed programmes in the vocational education and training (VET) system. In addition, social background and the age at which students have to choose educational offers impact on the transition to gendered educational programmes. Overall, gender segregation in education is highest in Germany and the lowest in Canada. We interpret the differences between these countries with respect to the constellations of educational principles and policies in the respective countries.
Resumo:
The Astronomical Institute of the University of Bern (AIUB) is conducting several search campaigns for space debris using optical sensors. The debris objects are discovered during systematic survey observations. In general, the result of a discovery consists in only a short observation arc, or tracklet, which is used to perform a first orbit determination in order to be able to observe t he object again in subsequent follow-up observations. The additional observations are used in the orbit improvement process to obtain accurate orbits to be included in a catalogue. In order to obtain the most accurate orbit within the time available it is necessary to optimize the follow-up observations strategy. In this paper an in‐depth study, using simulations and covariance analysis, is performed to identify the optimal sequence of follow-up observations to obtain the most accurate orbit propagation to be used for the space debris catalogue maintenance. The main factors that determine the accuracy of the results of an orbit determination/improvement process are: tracklet length, number of observations, type of orbit, astrometric error of the measurements, time interval between tracklets, and the relative position of the object along its orbit with respect to the observing station. The main aim of the covariance analysis is to optimize the follow-up strategy as a function of the object-observer geometry, the interval between follow-up observations and the shape of the orbit. This an alysis can be applied to every orbital regime but particular attention was dedicated to geostationary, Molniya, and geostationary transfer orbits. Finally the case with more than two follow-up observations and the influence of a second observing station are also analyzed.
Resumo:
Well-established methods exist for measuring party positions, but reliable means for estimating intra-party preferences remain underdeveloped. While most efforts focus on estimating the ideal points of individual legislators based on inductive scaling of roll call votes, this data suffers from two problems: selection bias due to unrecorded votes and strong party discipline, which tends to make voting a strategic rather than a sincere indication of preferences. By contrast, legislative speeches are relatively unconstrained, as party leaders are less likely to punish MPs for speaking freely as long as they vote with the party line. Yet, the differences between roll call estimations and text scalings remain essentially unexplored, despite the growing application of statistical analysis of textual data to measure policy preferences. Our paper addresses this lacuna by exploiting a rich feature of the Swiss legislature: on most bills, legislators both vote and speak many times. Using this data, we compare text-based scaling of ideal points to vote-based scaling from a crucial piece of energy legislation. Our findings confirm that text scalings reveal larger intra-party differences than roll calls. Using regression models, we further explain the differences between roll call and text scalings by attributing differences to constituency-level preferences for energy policy.
Resumo:
What explains the variation in how European citizens of diverse origins are politically incorporated in the member states of residence? This paper argues that immigrant groups’ status in the host society plays an important role in political party responses to immigrants’ political participation. Drawing on the case of Romanian and British candidacies in the Spanish local elections from 2011, the paper finds that the level of competition between parties is the key mechanism for incorporating candidates from a positively/neutrally perceived group. Instead, a greater level of ethnic diversity encourages the incorporation of candidates from the negatively perceived group. To demonstrate this, the paper uses an original data-set with the Romanian and British candidates in a large number of Spanish localities.
Resumo:
The study of secession generally stresses the causal influence of cultural identities, political preferences, or ecological factors. Whereas these different views are often considered to be mutually exclusive, this paper proposes a two-stage model in which they are complementary. We posit that cultural identities matter for explaining secessionism, but not because of primordial attachments. Rather, religious and linguistic groups matter because their members are imbued with cultural legacies that lead to distinct political preferences – in this case preferences over welfare statism. Further, ecological constraints such as geography and topography affect social interaction with like-minded individuals. On the basis of both these political preferences and ecological constraints, individuals then make rational choices about the desirability of secession. Instrumental considerations are therefore crucial in explaining the decision to secede, but not in a conventional pocketbook manner. To examine this theory, we analyze the 2013 referendum on the secession of the Jura Bernois region from the Canton of Berne in Switzerland, using municipal level census and referendum data. The results lend support to the theory and suggest one way in which the politics of identity, based on factors like language and religion, can be fused with the politics of interest (preferences for more or less state intervention into the polity and economy) to better understand group behavior.