36 resultados para Ethnic Enclave
Resumo:
OBJECTIVES Defensive coping (DefS) in Blacks has been associated with greater cardiovascular risk than in their White counterparts. We examined associations between endothelial function mental stress responses and markers of vascular structure in a bi-ethnic cohort. METHODS We examined vascular function and structure in 368 Black (43.84±8.31years) and White Africans (44.78±10.90years). Fasting blood samples, 24h blood pressure, left carotid intima-media thickness of the far wall (L-CIMTf), and left carotid cross-sectional wall area (L-CSWA) values were obtained. von Willebrand factor (VWF), endothelin-1 (ET-1) and nitric oxide metabolite (NOx) responses to the Stroop mental stress test were calculated to assess endothelial function. DefS was assessed using the Coping Strategy Indicator questionnaire. Interaction between main effects was demonstrated for 283 participants with DefS scores above the mean of 26 for L-CIMTf. RESULTS Blunted stress responses for VWF (men 16.71% vs. 51.10%; women 0.85% vs. 42.09%, respectively) and NOx (men -64.52% vs. 74.89%; women -76.16% vs. 113.29%, respectively) were evident in the DefS Blacks compared to the DefS Whites (p<0.001). ET-1 increased more in Blacks (men 150% and women 227%, p<0.001) compared to the Whites (men 61.25% and women 35.49%, p<0.001). Ambulatory pulse pressure, but not endothelial function markers, contributed to L-CIMTf (ΔR(2)=0.11 p<0.001), and L-CSWA (ΔR(2)=0.08, p<0.001) in DefS African men but not in any other group. CONCLUSIONS Blunted stress-induced NOx and VWF responses and augmented ET-1 responses in DefS Blacks indicate endothelial dysfunction. DefS may facilitate disturbed endothelial responses and enforce vascular remodelling via compensatory increases in pulse pressure in Black men. These observations may indicate an increased risk of cardiovascular incidents via functional and structural changes of the vasculature in DefS Blacks.
Resumo:
When on 26 May 1662 the founding first stone was laid for a new church on the island Nordstrand at the coast of Schleswig, relics of Teresa of Avila (1515-1582) and of the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha ab Angelis (1605-1658) were inserted. This church was built for Dutch dyke builders who were called to reconstruct the island after its destruction by flood in 1634; coming from a Catholic background and from the Dutch Republic which was at war with Spain at that time, the dyke builders and their families were guaranteed religious freedom in the Lutheran duchy of Holstein. In this paper, the reasons for the choice for the Spanish mystic Teresa of Avila and for the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha are discussed. The latter patroness was never beatified but had died in the smell of holiness; after her death several miracles were ascribed to her. It is understandable that migrants brought relics of their appreciated holy persons who would remind them of their homeland. The paper will first shortly introduce the two patronesses of the church. In the second part, the reasons for this choice will be discussed. Behind this translation of relics not only spiritual reasons played a role. The function of the translation of the saints was first to keep up geographical and political connections with the old country (both Spain and the Netherlands), secondly to perpetuate personal-familial relationships (esp. with Maria Margaretha), thirdly to strengthen the confessional identity in a non-Catholic environment. Fourthly the transfer brought a certain model of Christian life and reform to the new place of living, which in the second part of the 17th century became marked as “Jansenist”. The paper shows the transformation of the island into an enclave of Dutch Catholic culture.
Resumo:
Ethnicity and ethnic parties have often been portrayed as a threat to political stability. There is also no shortage of conflicts with an ethnic flavor. Yet, this book challenges the notion that the organization of politics in heterogeneous societies should necessarily overcome ethnicity. Rather, descriptive representation of ethnic groups arguably has potential to increase regime support and reduce conflict. The book studies partisan-descriptive representation of up to 130 ethnic groups in central and eastern European democracies. Ethnic minority parties are found to only run and succeed if they can expect electoral support sufficient to pass the electoral threshold. Conditional on gender and strategies of representation, ethnic representation increases satisfaction with democracy among the minority population. While protest rises given moderate levels of representation, it is reduced once ethnic groups have access to executives. In conclusion, a proportional vision of power-sharing between ethnic groups receives some qualified empirical support.