How political economies affect immigrants' socio-economic incorporation. A comparative analysis of immigrants’ poverty risks across advanced industrialised countries

Immigration and the resulting increasing ethnic diversity have become an important characteristic of advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, the majority of the countries in question are confronted with structural transformation such as deindustrialisation and changes in family structures as well as economic downturn, which limit the capacities of nation-states in addressing rising inequality and supporting those individuals at the margins of the society. This paper addresses both issues, immigration and inequality, by focusing on immigrants’ socio-economic incorporation into the receiving societies of advanced industrialised countries. The aim of this paper is to explain cross-national variation in immigrants’ poverty risks. Drawing on the political economy as well as the migration literature, the paper develops a theoretical framework that considers how the impact of the national labour market and welfare system on immigrants’ poverty risks is moderated by the integration policies, which regulate immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs (or immigrants’ economic and social rights). The empirical analysis draws on income surveys as well as a newly collected data set on economic and social rights of immigrants in 19 advanced industrialised countries, including European countries as well as Australia, and North America, for the year 2007. As the results from multilevel analysis show, integration policies concerning immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs can partly explain cross-national variations in immigrants’ poverty risks. In line with the hypothesis, stricter labour market regulations such as minimum wage setting reduce immigrants’ poverty risks stronger in countries where they are granted easier access to the labour market. However, concerning the impact of more generous social programs the reductive poverty effect is stronger in countries with less inclusive access of immigrants to social programs. The paper concludes by discussing possible explanations for this puzzling finding.

An Undisclosed Story of Roses: Church, State and Nation in Contemporary Georgia

I will attempt to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context, particularly in relationship to nationalism of President Mikheil Saakashvili. I will argue that the state-driven nationalism of post-Rose Revolution government was a hybrid form of ethno-cultural and civic which had elements of ethnic particularism towards the Orthodox Church. By reflecting on the growing assistance of Western institutions to Georgia, I will problematize the extent to which the rise of American and European involvement in the region reinforced the perceptions of the “self” and the “other” among the religious elites since the Rose Revolution. By presenting field research data (interviews) gathered in 23 eparchies and perishes with religious clerics in 7 regions of Georgia, I will argue that religious nationalism in Georgia strengthened not in response to but as an outcome of President Saakashvili’s policies towards the church, and partially as a reaction to the growing dissatisfaction with Western institutions working in Georgia and Western governments’ response to the Russo-Georgian War of 2008. By reflecting on empirical material, the paper attempts to problematize an understanding of religious nationalism as a social movement, an instance of cultural autonomy and a source of identity (Friedland 2001). In response, I suggest viewing religious nationalism in post-communist Georgia as medium of material and political interests

European mobility and local political incorporation: The case of British and Romanian residents in Spain

This paper analyses the impact of European mobility in the field of the political nomination of intra-EU migrants in local elections. The study contributes to the debates in the literature related to immigrant nomination and representation by showing how group resources and political opportunities in the country of residence interact with the political opportunities of the European citizenship regime. It argues that the symbolic and legal status of European identity, representation in the European Parliament and strong links between political institutions in the countries of destination and origin play a positive role in boosting immigrant political entrepreneurs’ visibility vis-à-vis host country political actors. In order to illustrate these findings, the paper provides a qualitative comparison of British and Romanian residents in Spain.

The Political Candidacy of EU Migrants in their European Countries of Residence. The Case of British and Romanians Standing in Spanish Local Elections

What explains the variation in how European citizens of diverse origins are politically incorporated in the member states of residence? This paper argues that immigrant groups’ status in the host society plays an important role in political party responses to immigrants’ political participation. Drawing on the case of Romanian and British candidacies in the Spanish local elections from 2011, the paper finds that the level of competition between parties is the key mechanism for incorporating candidates from a positively/neutrally perceived group. Instead, a greater level of ethnic diversity encourages the incorporation of candidates from the negatively perceived group. To demonstrate this, the paper uses an original data-set with the Romanian and British candidates in a large number of Spanish localities.

Anticipatory and reactive forms of blame avoidance: of foxes and lions

Blame avoidance behavior (BAB) encompasses all kinds of integrity-protecting activities by officeholders in the face of potentially blame-attracting events. Although considered essential for a realistic understanding of politics and policymaking, a general understanding of this multi-faceted behavioral phenomenon and its implications has been lacking to date. We argue that this is due to the lack of careful conceptualization of various forms of BAB. Crucially, the difference between anticipatory and reactive forms of BAB is largely neglected in the literature. This paper links anticipatory and reactive forms of BAB as two consecutive decision situations. It exposes dependence relationships between the situations that trigger BAB, the rationalities at work, the resources and strategies applied by blame-avoiding actors, and the various consequences thereof. The paper concludes that anticipatory and reactive BAB are distinct phenomena that require specific research approaches to assess their relevance for the workings of polities.

Legal Integration of Islam: A Transatlantic Comparison

The status of Islam in Western societies remains deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on both the right and left, Legal Integration of Islam offers an empirically informed analysis of how four liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have responded to the challenge of integrating Islam and Muslim populations. Demonstrating the centrality of the legal system to this process, Christian Joppke and John Torpey reject the widely held notion that Europe is incapable of accommodating Islam and argue that institutional barriers to Muslim integration are no greater on one side of the Atlantic than the other. While Muslims have achieved a substantial degree of equality working through the courts, political dynamics increasingly push back against these gains, particularly in Europe. From a classical liberal viewpoint, religion can either be driven out of public space, as in France, or included without sectarian preference, as in Germany. But both policies come at a price—religious liberty in France and full equality in Germany. Often seen as the flagship of multiculturalism, Canada has found itself responding to nativist and liberal pressures as Muslims become more assertive. And although there have been outbursts of anti-Islamic sentiment in the United States, the legal and political recognition of Islam is well established and largely uncontested. Legal Integration of Islam brings to light the successes and the shortcomings of integrating Islam through law without denying the challenges that this religion presents for liberal societies.

Das Paradox der Wahlbeteiligung, das keines ist. Eine theoretische Rekonstruktion und empirische Anwendung des Ansatzes von Downs aus der Perspektive der Theorie subjektiver Werterwartung

Seit der richtungweisenden wie einflußreichen Arbeit von Downs (1957) wird in der empirischen Wahlforschung das „Paradox der Wahlbeteiligung“ kontrovers diskutiert. Kritiker des ökonomischen Ansatzes führen gerade dieses Paradox an, um die Grenzen von Rational-Choice-Theorien aufzuzeigen (z.B. Green und Shapiro 1994). Ausgangspunkt dieser Debatte ist zunächst der Versuch von Downs, die Beteiligung von Individuen an politischen Wahlen mit der Theorie rationaler Entscheidung zu erklären: Demnach beteiligen sich Wahlberechtigte an Wahlen, wenn aus ihrer Sicht der erwartete Nutzen der Wahlbeteiligung (etwa persönliche Vorteile nach dem Wahlsieg der präferierten Partei) die anfallenden Kosten der Wahlbeteiligung (etwa zeitlicher Aufwand für Beschaffung, Auswertung und Analyse von Informationen über das Politikangebot) übersteigt. Wahlberechtigte diskontieren den zu maximierenden Nutzen aus ihrer Wahlbeteiligung mit der Wahrscheinlichkeit, daß ihre eigene Stimme der präferierten Partei zum Wahlsieg verhilft. Allerdings tendiert diese Wahrscheinlichkeit, den Wahlausgang alleine zu entscheiden, mit der anwachsenden Größe des Elektorats gegen Null. Da aber aus Sicht des einzelnen Wählers die eigene Stimme so gut wie keinen entscheidenden Einfluß auf den Wahlausgang hat, aber mit Sicherheit Informations-, Opportunitäts- und Teilnahmekosten anfallen, die dann immer größer als die mit der Erfolgswahrscheinlichkeit gewichteten Nutzeneinkommen sind, ist es höchst unwahrscheinlich, daß sich ein instrumentell rationaler Akteur an politischen Wahlen beteiligt (Downs 1957: 244–245). Jedoch sind in modernen Demokratien die Beteiligungen an politischen Wahlen mitunter beträchtlich, und diese empirische Beobachtung widerspricht der ökonomischen Theorie des Wählens von Downs (1957)1. Es stellt sich also die Frage, warum sich Wahlberechtigte an politischen Wahlen beteiligen und warum die Wahlbeteiligungen zumeist recht hoch sind (vgl. Palfrey und Rosenthal 1993).

Soziales Europa?

Nach innen heterogen, konfrontiert mit den Folgen einer massiven Finanz- und Schuldenkrise und gekennzeichnet von zunehmender sozialer Ungleichheit, nach außen hart gegen Flüchtlinge und Migranten und auf den Schutz der eigenen ökonomischen Interessen bedacht, scheint die Europäische Union von der Idee eines 'sozialen Europa' weit entfernt. Gleichwohl ist das Projekt einer europäischen Einigung fest mit der Vorstellung eines 'europäischen Sozialmodells' verbunden, in dem die verlässliche soziale Absicherung der Menschen in Europa hohe Priorität geniesst, auch wenn über die Form der Umsetzung intensiv gestritten wird. Im europäischen sozialen Protestantismus, der die wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Kulturen Europas in vielfältiger Weise geprägt hat, wird die Frage nach Möglichkeit und Gestalt einer möglichst effektiven, effizienten und gerechten sozialen Absicherung im europäischen Kontext in unterschiedlicher Weise diskutiert. Der Band informiert über institutionell-politische Strukturen, soziale Problemkonstellationen, ökonomische und politische Optionen und sozialethische Grundprinzipien für die Gestaltung eines 'sozialen Europa' und bietet Diskussionsstände aus vielfältigen Perspektiven des europäischen Protestantismus.

Soziales Europa?

Das weitverbreitete Konzept eines 'europäischen Sozialmodells' wird dargestellt und anhand eines konkreten Problems - der auch als 'Prekarisierung der Arbeit' bekannten Zunahme mangelhaft gesicherter und insofern problematischer Arbeitsverhältnisse im zeitgenössischen Europa - einem ethischen Realitätstest unterzogen. In einem Ausblick werden Schlussfolgerungen für die Weiterentwicklung dieses Modells gezogen.

Politischer Gottesdienst als öffentliche Theologie - Bedeutung, Rahmen und theologische Bedingungen

Das Konzept des 'politischen Gottesdienstes' wird begrifflich präzisiert und auf den Zusammenhang von Kirche als Teil der Gesellschaft - und besonders der Zivilgesellschaft - bezogen. Dabei ergibt sich, dass aus theologischen Gründen sowohl innerkirchlich wie im breiteren gesellschaftlichen Kontext eine öffentliche Theologie von Bedeutung ist.

The Territoriality of Fiscal Solidarity: Comparing Swiss Equalisation with European Union Structural Funding

This article theorises the territorial solidarity and fiscal federalism and compares Switzerland with the European Union. While inter-territorial solidarity is a prerequisite for legitimate fiscal equalisation, such equalisation in turn also contributes to the legitimacy of and solidarity within federal political systems. By cutting across territorial and ethno-national communities, fiscal transfers often contribute to both a “civic” sense of belonging and a “cosmopolitan” identity. After placing types and degrees of (inter-)territorial solidarity at the heart of our conceptual perspective, we discuss the effects of such solidarity through an analysis of two different forms of “federal” equalisation. Comparing the recently reformed Swiss fiscal equalisation system with the EU structural funds allows us to infer if, and how, the fiscal dimension of federalism matters for feelings of solidarity, reciprocity, unity and, ultimately, for the legitimacy of the very (nation-state or Union) structures that are to contribute to the ever-growing prosperity and happiness of their people(s). In Switzerland, a civic understanding of nationhood and cross-cutting cleavages were necessary conditions for extensive, effective and legitimate fiscal equalisation. We infer that, for the EU, this means that strengthening the equalisation component of the structural funds would contribute to an ever closer Union in a political sense: because fiscal equalisation and inter-territorial solidarity are interdependent, reinforcing the one also means cementing the other. Future studies of the EU and federal-type arrangements are advised to pay more explicit attention to the solidarity-element of territoriality – or the territoriality of (fiscal) solidarity.

Populism and Liberal Democracy: Populists in Government in Austria, Italy, Poland and Switzerland

The enduring electoral success of populist parties across Europe and the increasing opportunities they have gained to access government in recent years bring once more into relief the question of whether populism and democracy are fully compatible. In this article we show how, despite playing different roles in government within very different political systems, and despite the numerous constraints placed upon them (for instance, EU membership, international law and domestic checks and balances), populist parties consistently pursued policies that clashed with fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. In particular, the idea that the power of the majority must be limited and restrained, the sanctity of individual rights and the principle of the division of powers have all come under threat in contemporary Europe. This has contributed to the continuing erosion of the liberal consensus, which has provided one of the fundamental foundations of the European project from its start.