36 resultados para Minorities


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Despite the rapid agricultural transition that has occurred in the past decade, shifting cultivation remains a widespread agricultural practice in the northern uplands of Lao PDR. Little information is available on the basic socio-economic situation and respective possible patterns in shifting cultivation landscapes on a regional level. On the basis of a recent approximation of the extent of shifting cultivation landscapes for two time periods and disaggregated village level census data, this paper characterizes these landscapes in terms of key socioeconomic parameters for the whole of northern Laos. Results showed that over 550,000 people live in shifting cultivation regions. The poverty rate of this population of 46.5 % is considerably higher than the national rural rate. Most shifting cultivation landscapes are located in remote locations and a high share of the population comprises ethnic minorities, pointing to multi-dimensional marginality of these areas. We discuss whether economic growth and increased market accessibility are sufficient to lift these landscapes out of poverty.

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Time is one of the scarcest resources in modern parliaments. In parliamentary systems of government the control of time in the chamber is a significant power resource enjoyed – to varying degrees – by parliamentary majorities and the governments they support. Minorities may not be able to muster enough votes to stop bills, but they may have – varying degrees of – delaying powers enabling them to extract concessions from majorities attempting to get on with their overall legislative programme. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the legislative process in 17 West European parliaments from the formal initiation of bills to their promulgation. The ‘biographies’ of a sample of bills are examined using techniques of event-history analysis (a) charting the dynamics of the legislative process both across the life-times of individual bills and different political systems and (b) examining whether, and to what extent, parliamentary rules and some general regime attributes influence the dynamics of this process, speeding up or delaying the passage of legislation. Using a veto-points framework and transaction cost politics as a theoretical framework, the quantitative analyses suggest a number of counter-intuitive findings (e.g., the efficiency of powerful committees) and cast doubt on some of the claims made by Tsebelis in his veto-player model.

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This exegesis focuses on the work of minority committees of transnational associations in the interwar period. Most of their members considered the League system to be inefficient and supported the establishment of non-state alternatives, which included private investigations on the spot, publicity for specific problems of minorities, and attempts to reconcile representatives of ethnic minorities with those of the majority. Members of non-involved states were pre-destined especially to act as neutral moderators. Only those in close contact with League officials avoided being misused by political forces that did not seek reconciliation but border revision. They learnt that the League rules looked inadequate from the outside but turned out to be useful in coming to applicable solutions once they started their own alternative methods. Their publications and investigative journeys turned out to deepen the problems, whilst their reconciliation work became an appreciated supplement of the League system.

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Our objective was to assess differences in all-cause mortality, as well as AIDS and non-AIDS death rates, among patients started on antiretroviral therapy (ART) according to their geographical origin and ethnicity/race in Europe, Canada, and the United States. METHODS: This was a collaboration of 19 cohort studies of human immunodeficiency virus-positive subjects who have initiated ART (ART Cohort Collaboration) between 1998 and 2009. Adjusted mortality hazard ratios (AHRs) were estimated using Cox regression. A competing risk framework was used to estimate adjusted subdistribution hazard ratios for AIDS and non-AIDS mortality. RESULTS: Of 46 648 European patients, 16.3% were from sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), 5.1% Caribbean and Latin America, 1.6% North Africa and Middle East, and 1.7% Asia/West; of 1371 patients from Canada, 14.9% were First Nations and 22.4% migrants, and of 7742 patients from North America, 55.5% were African American and 6.6% Hispanic. Migrants from SSA (AHR, 0.79; 95% confidence interval [CI], .68-.92) and Asia/West (AHR, 0.62; 95% CI, .41-.92) had lower mortality than Europeans; these differences appeared mainly attributable to lower non-AIDS mortality. Compared with white Canadians, mortality in Canadian First Nations people (AHR, 1.48; 95% CI, .96-2.29) was higher, both for AIDS and non-AIDS mortality rates. Among US patients, when compared with whites, African Americans had higher AIDS and non-AIDS mortality, and hazard ratios for all-cause mortality increased with time on ART. CONCLUSIONS: The lower mortality observed in migrants suggests "healthy migrant" effects, whereas the higher mortality in First Nations people and African Americans in North America suggests social inequality gaps. KEYWORDS: HIV infection, antiretroviral therapy, ethnic minorities, migrants Comment in Addressing disparities in HIV mortality: antiretroviral therapy is necessary but not sufficient. [Clin Infect Dis. 2013]

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Umfragen über Vorurteile führen oft zu verzerrten Ergebnissen, da die Befragten häufig „sozial erwünschte“ Antworten geben. In unserer Studie über Vorurteile und Diskriminierung haben wir dagegen vier Feldexperimente in der Stadt Zürich durchgeführt, in denen jeweils von Angehörigen verschiedener Nationalitäten oder religiöser Gruppen eine Hilfeleistung erbeten wurde. Beispielsweise wurden Passanten von einer Person mit Kopftuch um eine Hilfeleistung gebeten; in der Kontrollbedingung dagegen ohne Kopftuch. In einem anderen Experiment wurden Personen in Hochdeutsch angesprochen und in der Kontrollsituation im Schweizer Dialekt. Ein fünftes Experiment bezog sich auf die Reaktionen von Arbeitgebern auf Initiativbewerbungen. Es zeigte sich, dass im Alltagsverhalten keine signifikanten Unterschiede im Ausmaß der Hilfeleistung zwischen den Gruppen nachweisbar waren. Alle vier Experimente zu kleinen Hilfen im Alltag ergaben weder bezüglich Deutschen noch muslimischen Minderheiten Hinweise auf diskriminierendes Verhalten. Deutliche Hinweise gibt es dagegen für die Diskriminierung bestimmter ethnischer Gruppen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt, auch wenn Bewerber die gleiche Qualifikation wie Schweizer und die Schweizer Staatsbürgerschaft besitzen.

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Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach (1830-1916) was born and grew up in Moravia. Despite the fact that her very first language was Czech, all her literary work was written in German ; despite of her Czech origins from her fatherside, all the references to be found in her work concerning the social and national development of the Czech society of that time express, if not animosity, at least a total lack of understanding. Everthing happens as if the author just wanted to confirm and uphold the official views of the Austrian Monarchy. In this article, I’d like to show, mainly on the example of the novel Božena (1876), that a more careful reading which would take into account not only the textual statements of the writer, but as well the composition of the plot and the various behaviors of the Czech and German protagonists, could allow to bring nuances to Ebner-Eschenbach’s position towards the Czech – namely to see that she was perfectly aware and respectful of the cultural diversity and complexity of the Czech lands and that she felt a deep compassion for the claims of the minorities asking for the transformation of the Habsburg Empire into a Federation of free nations.

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Recent research shows that well-educated citizens are more supportive of minority rights in direct democratic votes than people with less education. This article however suggests that educational effects on minority rights only emerge under certain conditions. A Bayesian multilevel analysis of 39 referendums and initiatives on minority rights in Switzerland (1981–2009) shows that educational effects are particularly strong when the rights of lesser-known cultural minorities are to be extended. They are entirely absent, however, when referenda address the curtailment of rights for well-known minority groups.

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In international law the internment of civilians has only been regulated in writing in the context of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949. Nevertheless this did not mean that civilians were not protected by at least some rules of customary international law before that date and especially in World War I. Furthermore specialists of international law expected states – at least those considered to be part of the community of civilized nations – to continue to treat all men equal before the law even in wartime. As research already conducted (Bird, Panayi, Fischer) has shown, this was not the case during World War I. Based on these findings the presentation proposed here wants to look into the development of international law and into some national preparations for treating so called “enemy aliens” in the period before 1914 (Austria-Hungary, Australia, United Kingdom), in order to see to what extent principles of international law protecting civilians from the consequences of war can be detected in the pre-war preparations. As far as can be judged so far the issue of loyalty was central in this context. Looking at the war itself, the presentation proposed here will try to look at how far the principles of international law alluded to above continued to influence the policies on “enemy aliens” in the countries mentioned and to see, how the International Committee of the Red Cross tried to use them to legitimize and expand its protective policies in regard to civilians interned in belligerent as well as neutral countries throughout the war.

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In October 1930, violent action of the Polish security forces against the Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia resulted in an international campaign for the Ukrainians in Poland. Its central claim was the condemnation of these incidents as a violation of the Minorities Treaty of the League of Nations. The article focuses on the involved British extra-parliamentary groups and their international federations as well as leftist intellectuals, socialist parties and the Labour and Socialist International. In most cases, the commitment of the activists was motivated by the desire to expose a humanitarian scandal while the implementation of minority rights played a minor role. When it turned out that the first reports had presented an exaggerated version of the events, they shifted their focus to the Polish opposition whose persecution started in November 1930.