30 resultados para Egyptian Cults


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Artists have spent a century claiming Egypt for the Egyptians. Now the powerful murals of January 25 have created a new public space dedicated to every citizen.

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Among the many thousand scarabs, scaraboids and other stamp-seal amulets unearthed in Iron Age contexts in Cis- and Transjordan, there are many such seals showing royal Egyptian imagery on their bases. Focusing mainly on Pharaonic motifs, the paper aims to catalogue the principal iconemes, to trace their development throughout the Iron Ages and to extrapolate their significance vis-à-vis the contemporary glyptic assemblages. As will be shown, the royal imagery of the Egyptian king underwent considerable changes during pre-monarchic and monarchic times in Israel/Judah. This allows – to some extent – deducing the perception of the ‘image’ of the Egyptian king in this part of the Southern Levant at the close of the second and during the first centuries of the first millennium BCE. While the local seal production not only vividly copied earlier and contemporary Egyptian prototypes, it also developed idiosyncratic ‘Pharaonic’ motifs that were produced for the local market. On the other hand, imported Egyptian glyptic goods – such as scarabs and other amulet types – reveal further facets of the consumer behavior. They, too, shed light upon the ideological and religious preferences of the local population and illuminate the development of the vernacular attitude towards the Pharaonic symbols of power – including their obvious political and sacred connotations.

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Wolfram von Eschenbach’s novel Parzival is a courtly romance composed in German language shortly after 1200. In a project, based at the University of Bern, a new critical edition of the poem is prepared in electronic and printed form. It visualizes parallel textual versions, which, depending on particular circumstances of oral performance, have developed in the early stage of the poem’s transmission. Philological research as well as phylogenetic techniques common in the natural sciences, e.g. in molecular biology, have been used to demonstrate the existence of these early textual versions. The article shows how both methods work and how they are applied to the ongoing edition. Exemplary passages to be presented include the text of some rare fragments written in the first decades of the 13th century, which might even go back to the author’s lifetime and which allow to date the existence of the versions they belong to.

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Charles Taylor’s contribution to social imaginaries offers an interpretive framework for better understanding modernity as secularity. One of its main aspects is conceiving of human society in linear, homogenous time (secular time). Looking into the Arabic intellectual tradition, I will argue in my paper that Taylor’s framework can help us understand major social and intellectual transformations. The Ottoman and Arabic modernization process during the 19th century has often been understood by focusing on certain core concepts. One of these is tamaddun, usually translated as “civilization.” I will be mostly talking about the works of two “pioneers” of Arab modernity (which is traditionally referred to as an-nahḍa, the so-called Arab Renaissance): the Syrian Fransīs Marrāsh and the Egyptian Rifāʿa aṭ-Ṭahṭāwī. First I will focus on Marrāsh’s didactic novel “The Forest of Truth” (1865), as it offers a complex view of tamaddun, which has sometimes been construed as merely a social and political reform program. The category of "social imaginary,” however, is useful in grasping the wider semantic scope of this concept, which is reading it as a signifier for human history conceived of in secular time, as Taylor defines it. This conceptualization of human history functioning within the immanent frame can also be observed in the introduction to “The Extraction of Pure Gold in the Description of Paris” (1834), a systematic account of a travel experience in France that was written by the other “pioneer,” aṭ-Ṭahṭāwī. Finally, in translating tamaddun as “the modern social imaginary of civilization/culture,” the talk aims to consider this imaginary as a major factor in the emergence of the “secular age.” Furthermore, it suggests the importance of studying (quasi-) literary texts, such as historiographical, geographical, and self-narratives in the Arabic literary tradition, in order to further elaborate continuities and ruptures in social imaginaries.

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The paper focuses on the imagery of early Christian rituals (esp. of the eucharist and baptism) as they are found in allegorical interpretations of beasts in the Greek Physiologus and trace the way of selected motifs from the New Testament to this first Christian interpretation of nature in context of early Christian literature and theology. A special attention is given to the pelican, which is one of the most famous symbols of the eucharist, and to impressive baptismal imageries in the chapter on the eagle, on the snake and in some other chapters. The aim of the analysis is to explore the theological roots of the ritual imagery of Physiologus and to show that this work of early Egyptian Christianity is anything but 'unsakramental' as argued by E. Peterson (1959).

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In this study we present the analysis of the human remains from tomb K93.12 in the Ancient Egyptian necropolis of Dra’ Abu el-Naga, located opposite the modern city of Luxor in Upper Egypt on the western bank of the Nile. Archaeological findings indicate that the rock tomb was originally built in the early 18th dynasty. Remains of two tomb-temples of the 20th dynasty and the looted burial of the High Priest of Amun Amenhotep have been identified. After the New Kingdom the tomb was reused as a burial place until the 26th dynasty. The skeletal and mummified material of the different tomb areas underwent a detailed anthropological and paleopathological analysis. The human remains were mostly damaged and scattered due to extensive grave robberies. In total, 79 individuals could be partly reconstructed and investigated. The age and sex distribution revealed a male predominance and a high percentage of young children (< 6 years) and adults in the range of 20 to 40 years. The paleopathological analysis showed a high prevalence of stress markers such as cribra orbitalia in the younger individuals, and other pathological conditions such as dental diseases, degenerative diseases and a possible case of ankylosing spondylitis. Additionally, 13 mummies of an intrusive waste pit could be attributed to three different groups belonging to earlier time periods based on their style of mummification and materials used. The study revealed important information on the age and sex distribution and diseases of the individuals buried in tomb K93.12.

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The presentation will start by unfolding the various layers of chariot imagery in early Indian sources, namely, chariots as vehicles of gods such as the sun (sūrya), i.e. as symbol of cosmic stability; chariots as symbols of royal power and social prestige e.g. of Brahmins; and, finally, chariots as metaphors for the “person”, the “mind” and the “way to liberation” (e.g., Kaṭ.-Up. III.3; Maitr.-Up. II. 6). In Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources, chariots are in certain aspects used as a metaphor for the (old) human body (e.g., Caraka-S., Vi.3.37-38; D II.100; D II.107); apart from that, there is, of course, mention of the “real” use of chariots in sports, cults, journey, and combat. The most prominent example of the Buddhist use of chariot imagery is its application as a model for the person (S I.134 f.; Milindapañha, ed. Trenckner, 26), i.e., for highlighting the “non-substantial self”. There are, however, other significant examples of the usage of chariot imagery in early Buddhist texts. Of special interest are those cases in which chariot metaphors were applied in order to explain how the ‘self’ may proceed on the way to salvation – with ‘mindfulness’ or the ‘self’ as charioteer, with ‘wisdom’ and ‘confidence’ as horses etc. (e.g. S I. 33; S V.7; Dhp 94; or the Nārada-Jātaka, No. 545, verses 181-190). One might be tempted to say that these instances reaffirm the traditional soteriology of a substantial “progressing soul”. Taking conceptual metaphor analysis as a tool, I will, in contrast, argue that there is a special Buddhist use of this metaphor. Indeed, at first sight, it seems to presuppose a non-Buddhist understanding (the “self” as charioteer; the chariot as vehicle to liberation, etc.). Yet, it will be argued that in these cases the chariot imagery is no longer fully “functional”. The Buddhist usage may, therefore, best be described as a final allegorical phase of the chariot-imagery, which results in a thorough deconstruction of the “chariot” itself.

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The perception of the human body as container is widespread in cognitive linguistics, psychology and anthropology and is estimated to be universal. But what can we say about the specific context of the Hebrew Bible as well as Ancient-Near-Eastern texts and material culture, and more especially about anthropomorphic vessels in the Levant? Biblical, Egyptian and Mesopotamian texts compare the human body with pottery in order to emphasize its status of having been created (Geschöpflichkeit) on the one hand, and its fragility (Zerbrechlichkeit) on the other. Not in every case does the metaphor refer to an individual. Very often, however, it is used with relation to groups of people (nations) and requires particular caution when it comes to drawing a conclusion about the embodiment. The archaeological-iconographic record demonstrates that the human body, especially the female body, was imagined as a container. The fact that vessels in the shape of female bodies are the majority can partly be explained with the association between container and pregnancy. This essay aims at stimulating the discussion about embodiment in the Ancient Near East, concepts of emotion the body as a container in the Hebrew Bible, and its relation to the material culture.

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For Jewish-Hellenistic authors writing in Egypt, the Exodus story posed unique challenges. After all, to them Egypt was, as Philo of Alexandria states, their fatherland. How do these authors come to terms with the biblical story of liberation from Egyptian slavery and the longing for the promised land? In this chapter I am taking a close look at Philo’s detailed discussion of the Exodus and locate it within the larger context of Jewish-Hellenistic literature (Wisdom of Solomon, Ezekiel’s Exagoge). In Philo’s rewriting of the Exodus the destination of the journey is barely mentioned. Contrary to the biblical narrative, in the scene of the burning bush, as retold by Philo, God does not tell Moses where to go. Philo’s main concern is what happens in Egypt: both in biblical times and in his own days. The Exodus is nevertheless important to Philo: He reads the story allegorically as a journey from the land of the body to the realms of the mind. Such a symbolic reading permitted him to control the meaning of the Exodus and to stay, literally and figuratively, in Egypt.