Direct democracy and political trust: Enhancing trust, initiating distrust–or both?

This study investigates the relationship between direct democracy and political trust. We suggest a solution to the controversy in research centering on positive versus negative effects of direct democracy by analytically differentiating between the availability of direct democratic rights and the actual use of those rights. Theoretically, greater availability of direct democratic rights may enhance political trust by increasing citizens’ perception that political authorities can be controlled as well as by incentivizing political authorities to act trustworthily. In contrast, the actual use of the corresponding direct democratic instruments may initiate distrust as it signals to citizens that political authorities do not act in the public’s interest. We test both hypotheses for the very first time with sub-national data of Switzerland. The empirical results seem to support our theoretical arguments.

Cultural Legacies and Political Preferences: The Failure of Separatism in the Swiss Jura

The study of secession generally stresses the causal influence of cultural identities, political preferences, or ecological factors. Whereas these different views are often considered to be mutually exclusive, this paper proposes a two-stage model in which they are complementary. We posit that cultural identities matter for explaining secessionism, but not because of primordial attachments. Rather, religious and linguistic groups matter because their members are imbued with cultural legacies that lead to distinct political preferences – in this case preferences over welfare statism. Further, ecological constraints such as geography and topography affect social interaction with like-minded individuals. On the basis of both these political preferences and ecological constraints, individuals then make rational choices about the desirability of secession. Instrumental considerations are therefore crucial in explaining the decision to secede, but not in a conventional pocketbook manner. To examine this theory, we analyze the 2013 referendum on the secession of the Jura Bernois region from the Canton of Berne in Switzerland, using municipal level census and referendum data. The results lend support to the theory and suggest one way in which the politics of identity, based on factors like language and religion, can be fused with the politics of interest (preferences for more or less state intervention into the polity and economy) to better understand group behavior.

“Se querem que façamos algo pela floresta tem que nos pagar”: As lógicas da participação dos camponeses nos Comités de Gestão dos Recursos Naturais nos distritos de Palma e Mocimboa da Praia em 2009: Relatório do trabalho de campo em Namiune, Nkonga e 5º Congresso, Maputo, Dezembro de 2010

Our study considers the natural resources of the Miombo forests in Cabo Delgado from a broad ecosystems perspective. Thus, our view goes beyond the disciplinary approaches of forestry, agronomy, biology or zoology, and also of the social sciences, namely anthropology, history, sociology, political science or economics. The present study aims to establish a dialogue and create synergies between Miti Ltd. – the logging company and owner of the forest concessions – as well as government and state structures at the various levels and the communities – through the Committees on Natural Resources – in order to promote the sustainable use of resources and ecosystems. The research methodology we used can broadly be described as moderated transdisciplinary interaction for action-research based on the approach known as Learning for Sustainability (LforS, http://www.cde.unibe.ch/Pages/Project/2/14/Learning-for-Sustainability-Extension-Approach.aspx). The research methods used include: LforS seminars; field work; forests observations focusing, among others, on ecosystems, trees, wildlife, and burned areas; visits to farms; and interviews. We conducted both collective interviews and individual interviews, including with key informants. The main results indicate that members of the Committee on Natural Resources have a dual attitude: their statements defend the paradigm of sustainable use of natural resources as well as their own immediate monetary gain. They are willing to apply the values, concepts and theories of sustainable development that underpin the establishment of Committees on Natural Resources if they are paid for their work or if they can derive direct benefits from it, i.e. if they can earn a salary or allowance. If this does not happen, however, they are willing to allow actors to engage in illegal hunting or logging activities. This dual attitude also exists in relation to forestry operators. If the concession workers pay the committee members in cash or provide goods, they can run their business even if they violate the law. Natural forest regeneration in Nkonga and Namiune already shows the impact of such use. Although there are many saplings that could basically ensure continuous regeneration under sustainable management, repeated burning is damaging the young trees, deforming them and killing a great number of them. Campaigns against uncontrolled fires are ineffective because the administrative and political authorities have a dual attitude as well and are also part of the group that uses resources to their own profit and benefit. There are institutional structures within the administration, populations, and communities to perform regulating functions, create and implement rules, punish offenders, and oversee resource use. However, they feel that since they are not paid for performing these functions, they do not have to do so. This attitude shows a lack of awareness, but also indicates a situation where everyone seeks to derive maximum benefits from existing resource use patterns. Anything goes.

Exceptional or just well connected? Political entrepreneurs and brokers in policy making

Policy brokers and policy entrepreneurs are assumed to have a decisive impact on policy outcomes. Their access to social and political resources is contingent on their influence on other agents. In social network analysis (SNA), entrepreneurs are often closely associated with brokers, because both are agents presumed to benefit from bridging structural holes; for example, gaining advantage through occupying a strategic position in relational space. Our aim here is twofold. First, to conceptually and operationally differentiate policy brokers from policy entrepreneurs premised on assumptions in the policy-process literature; and second, via SNA, to use the output of core algorithms in a cross-sectional analysis of political brokerage and political entrepreneurship. We attempt to simplify the use of graph algebra in answering questions relevant to policy analysis by placing each algorithm within its theoretical context. In the methodology employed, we first identify actors and graph their relations of influence within a specific policy event; then we select the most central actors; and compare their rank in a series of statistics that capture different aspects of their network advantage. We examine betweenness centrality, positive and negative Bonacich power, Burt’s effective size and constraint and honest brokerage as paradigmatic. We employ two case studies to demonstrate the advantages and limitations of each algorithm for differentiating between brokers and entrepreneurs: one on Swiss climate policy and one on EU competition and transport policy.

In Search of Political Influence: Strategic Choices and Media Coverage of Political Parties, Interest Groups and Social Movements in Western European Countries

Outside lobbying is a key strategy for social movements, interest groups and political parties for mobilising public opinion through the media in order to pressure policymakers and influence the policymaking process. Relying on semi-structured interviews and newspaper content analysis in six Western European countries, this article examines the use of four outside lobbying strategies – media-related activities, informing (about) the public, mobilisation and protest – and the amount of media coverage they attract. While some strategies are systematically less pursued than others, we find variation in their relative share across institutional contexts and actor types. Given that most of these differences are not accurately mirrored in the media, we conclude that media coverage is only loosely connected to outside lobbying behaviour, and that the media respond differently to a given strategy when used by different actors. Thus, the ability of different outside lobbying strategies to generate media coverage critically depends on who makes use of them.

European mobility and local political incorporation: The case of British and Romanian residents in Spain

This paper analyses the impact of European mobility in the field of the political nomination of intra-EU migrants in local elections. The study contributes to the debates in the literature related to immigrant nomination and representation by showing how group resources and political opportunities in the country of residence interact with the political opportunities of the European citizenship regime. It argues that the symbolic and legal status of European identity, representation in the European Parliament and strong links between political institutions in the countries of destination and origin play a positive role in boosting immigrant political entrepreneurs’ visibility vis-à-vis host country political actors. In order to illustrate these findings, the paper provides a qualitative comparison of British and Romanian residents in Spain.