33 resultados para Rights of third parties
Resumo:
The herd prevalence of third-generation cephalosporin-resistant Escherichia coli (3GC-R-Ec) was determined for broilers (25.0% [95% confidence interval (CI) 17.6-33.7%]), pigs (3.3% [(95% CI 0.4-11.5%]), and cattle (3.9% [95% CI 0.5-13.5%]), using a sampling strategy that was representative of the livestock population slaughtered in Switzerland between October 2010 and April 2011. The 3GC-R-Ec isolates were characterized by the measurement of the MICs of various antibiotics, microarray analyses, analytical isoelectric focusing, polymerase chain reaction and DNA sequencing for bla genes, pulsed-field gel electrophoresis (PFGE), and multilocus sequence typing. CMY-2 (n = 12), CTX-M-1 (n = 11), SHV-12 (n = 5), TEM-52 (n = 3), CTX-M-15 (n = 2), and CTX-M-3 (n = 1) producers were found. The majority of CMY-2 producers fell into 1 PFGE cluster, which predominantly contained ST61, whereas the CTX-M types were carried by heterogeneous clones of E. coli, as shown by the numerous PFGE profiles and STs that were found. This is the first national Swiss study that focuses on the spread of 3GC-R Enterobacteriaceae among slaughtered animals.
Resumo:
Prevalence and genetic relatedness were determined for third-generation cephalosporin-resistant Escherichia coli (3GC-R-Ec) detected in Swiss beef, veal, pork, and poultry retail meat. Samples from meat-packing plants (MPPs) processing 70% of the slaughtered animals in Switzerland were purchased at different intervals between April and June 2013 and analyzed. Sixty-nine 3GC-R-Ec isolates were obtained and characterized by microarray, PCR/DNA sequencing, Multi Locus Sequence Typing (MLST), and plasmid replicon typing. Plasmids of selected strains were transformed by electroporation into E. coli TOP10 cells and analyzed by plasmid MLST. The prevalence of 3GC-R-Ec was 73.3% in chicken and 2% in beef meat. No 3GC-R-Ec were found in pork and veal. Overall, the blaCTX-M-1 (79.4%), blaCMY-2 (17.6%), blaCMY-4 (1.5%), and blaSHV-12 (1.5%) β-lactamase genes were detected, as well as other genes conferring resistance to chloramphenicol (cmlA1-like), sulfonamides (sul), tetracycline (tet), and trimethoprim (dfrA). The 3GC-R-Ec from chicken meat often harbored virulence genes associated with avian pathogens. Plasmid incompatibility (Inc) groups IncI1, IncFIB, IncFII, and IncB/O were the most frequent. A high rate of clonality (e.g., ST1304, ST38, and ST93) among isolates from the same MPPs suggests that strains persist at the plant and spread to meat at the carcass-processing stage. Additionally, the presence of the blaCTX-M-1 gene on an IncI1 plasmid sequence type 3 (IncI1/pST3) in genetically diverse strains indicates interstrain spread of an epidemic plasmid. The blaCMY-2 and blaCMY-4 genes were located on IncB/O plasmids. This study represents the first comprehensive assessment of 3GC-R-Ec in meat in Switzerland. It demonstrates the need for monitoring contaminants and for the adaptation of the Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point concept to avoid the spread of multidrug-resistant bacteria through the food chain.
Resumo:
Outside lobbying is a key strategy for social movements, interest groups and political parties for mobilising public opinion through the media in order to pressure policymakers and influence the policymaking process. Relying on semi-structured interviews and newspaper content analysis in six Western European countries, this article examines the use of four outside lobbying strategies – media-related activities, informing (about) the public, mobilisation and protest – and the amount of media coverage they attract. While some strategies are systematically less pursued than others, we find variation in their relative share across institutional contexts and actor types. Given that most of these differences are not accurately mirrored in the media, we conclude that media coverage is only loosely connected to outside lobbying behaviour, and that the media respond differently to a given strategy when used by different actors. Thus, the ability of different outside lobbying strategies to generate media coverage critically depends on who makes use of them.
Resumo:
Chromosomal mutations induced by ethyl methanesulfonate (EMS) treatment can cause female sterility or maternal-effect lethality in Drosophila. EMS is particularly useful to researchers because it creates mutations independent of position effects. However, because researchers have little control over the chromosomal site of mutation, post-mutagenic genetic mapping is required to determine the cytological location of the mutation. To make a valuable set of mutants more useful to the research community, we have mapped the uncharacterized part of the female-sterile – maternal-effect lethal Tübingen collection. We mapped 49 female-sterile – maternal-effect lethal alleles and 72 lethal alleles to individual deficiency intervals on the third chromosome. In addition, we analyzed the phenotype of ovaries resulting from female sterile mutations. The observed phenotypes range from tumorous ovaries and early blocks in oogenesis, to later blocks, slow growth, blocks in stage 10, to apparently full development of the ovary. The mapping and phenotypic characterization of these 121 mutations provide the necessary information for the researcher to consider a specific mutant as a candidate for their gene of interest.Key words: Drosophila melanogaster, oogenesis, female sterile, maternal-effect lethal, EMS-induced mutations.
Resumo:
The contribution of this research note is a systematic description of levels of party nationalisation in Switzerland, using results from the elections to the Swiss National Council between 1991 and 2015. Party nationalisation is understood as the territorial homogeneity of a party's electoral performance and measured using the inverted and standardised Gini index. Our results indicate a trend towards more nationalisation in the Swiss party system over the time period covered, and distinct patterns for single parties. The SVP and the GLP have made big leaps towards stronger nationalisation, with the former closing in on the levels of the SP and the FDP, while the CVP remains a weakly nationalised party, considering its size.
Resumo:
OBJECTIVE: To investigate whether orally administered misoprostol during the third stage of labor is efficient in reducing postpartum blood loss. METHODS: In a double-masked trial, during vaginal delivery women were randomly assigned to receive a single oral dose of misoprostol (600 microg) or placebo in third stage of labor, immediately after cord clamping. The third stage of labor was managed routinely by early cord clamping and controlled cord traction; oxytocin was administered only if blood loss seemed more than usual. Blood loss was estimated by the delivering physician and differences in hematocrit were measured before and after delivery. RESULTS: Mean (+/- standard error of the mean) estimated blood loss (345 +/- 19.5 mL versus 417 +/- 25.9 mL, P = .031) and hematocrit difference (4.5 +/- 0.9% versus 7.9 +/- 1.2%, P = .014) were significantly lower in women who received misoprostol than those who received placebo. Fewer women in the misoprostol group had postpartum hemorrhage (blood loss of at least 500 mL), but that difference was not statistically significant (7% versus 15%, P = .43). Additional oxytocin before or after placental separation was used less often in the misoprostol group (16% versus 38%, P = .047). There were no differences in the length of third stage of labor (8 +/- 0.9 minutes versus 9 +/- 1 minutes, P = .947). There were no differences in pain during third stage of labor, postpartum fever, or diarrhea, but shivering was more frequent in the misoprostol group. CONCLUSION: Oral misoprostol administered in the third stage of labor reduced postpartum blood loss and might be effective in reducing incidence of postpartum hemorrhage.
Resumo:
The estimation of possible intra- and postoperative complications for surgical removal of third molars in the mandible poses a frequent dilemma in oral surgery. In the present study, the influence of the patient's age and gender, a reduced mouth opening, and the anatomical position of the tooth in the mandible on intra- and postoperative complications were evaluated. In a total of 120 surgically removed third molars, 9.2% intraoperative complications occurred, mainly bleeding. Factors influencing the risk for intraoperative complications were a male patient, a reduced mouth opening, and distally angulated teeth. Postoperative complications were encountered in 6.7%, mainly dry sockets. For this group, a female gender, a higher age, and distally angulated teeth were identified as risk parameters. As most of the patient- and anatomy-related factors are set parameters when evaluating possible risk factors for third molar surgery, only the timepoint of surgery can be influenced by the surgeon. Regarding the increase in intra- and postoperative complications for third molar removal in higher age groups, the prophylactic third molar surgery between the age of 18 and 25 seems justified.
Resumo:
In this article, we analyze political parties' campaign communication during the 2009 European Parliamentary election in 11 countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, The Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the UK). We study which types of issues Euroskeptic fringe and Euroskeptic mainstream parties put on their campaign agendas and the kind and extent of EU opposition they voice. Further, we seek to understand whether Euroskeptic and non-Euroskeptic parties co-orient themselves toward each other within their national party systems with regard to their campaigns. To understand the role of Euroskeptic parties in the 2009 European Parliamentary elections, we draw on a systematic content analysis of parties' posters and televised campaign spots. Our results show that it is Euroskeptic parties at the edges of the political spectrum who discuss polity questions of EU integration and who most openly criticize the union. Principled opposition against the project of EU integration, however, can only be observed in the UK. Finally, we find indicators for co-orientation effects regarding the tone of EU mobilization: In national political environments where Euroskeptic parties strongly criticize the EU, pro-European parties at the same time publicly advance pro-EU positions.
Resumo:
Who in the European Union drives the process of pursuing bilateral trade negotiations? In contrast to societal explanations, this article develops a novel argument as to how the European Commission manages the process and uses its position in strategic ways to pursue its interests. Rooted in principal–agent theory, the article discusses agent preferences and theorizes the conditions under which the agent sets specific focal points and interacts strategically with principals and third parties. The argument is discussed with case study evidence drawn from the first trade agreement concluded and ratified since the EU Commission announced its new strategy in 2006: the EU–South Korea trade agreement