Profili critici in materia di transnational group action

La presente tesi di dottorato ha ad oggetto l’analisi dei profili critici emersi nella prassi in relazione alle transnational damages group actions. All’interno di tale esteso ambito di ricerca, senza pretese di esaustività, si affronteranno determinati aspetti, tenendo in considerazione quanto accaduto negli ordinamenti che, sebbene in modo assai limitato, hanno già conosciuto tali problematiche. A seguito di una prima parte meramente introduttiva, nel secondo capitolo, si inquadreranno brevemente gli strumenti di tutela collettiva risarcitoria, indicando in che cosa consistano, a quali esigenze rispondano e quale origine abbiano; si indicheranno altresì i criteri distintivi e di classificazione che maggiormente possono rilevare nell’ottica di una cross border litigation. Nel terzo capitolo si analizzerà in termini essenziali la disciplina delle azioni collettive di alcuni Paesi, al fine di porre le basi necessarie per comprendere in quale contesto normativo si pongano le problematiche inerenti alle multi-jurisdictional collective redress actions. Nel quarto capitolo, si prenderà in considerazione la dimensione transnazionale delle azioni collettive, tenendo presenti le categorie e le regole affermatesi nel diritto internazionale privato e processuale e, soprattutto, quelle esistenti nell’ordinamento italiano e comunitario. Si individueranno poi gli obiettivi prioritari che si deve porre il giudice richiesto di giudicare sull’azione collettiva nella necessità di rendere una pronuncia o approvare una transazione che, da un lato, sia riconosciuta ed eseguita nei Paesi in cui dovrà essere riconosciuta ed eseguita e che, dall’altro lato, in ipotesi di opt out procedure, precluda ai soggetti che la pronuncia o la transazione dovrebbe vincolare successive azioni individuali e/o collettive in altri Paesi. Nel quinto capitolo, alla luce dei dati indicati nel terzo capitolo e delle considerazioni effettuate nel quarto capitolo, si analizzeranno alcuni dei profili critici posti dalla dimensione transnazionale delle azioni collettive; a tal fine, la trattazione verrà suddivisa in diversi punti che, pur essendo necessariamente connessi tra loro, nella loro individualità riescano ad evidenziare l’importanza e la centralità di determinate questioni. Peraltro, nell’intento di rispondere in modo adeguato alle problematiche analizzate, si indicheranno alcune delle soluzioni sperimentate dalla pratica giudiziaria o proposte dalla recente letteratura sul tema. Seguirà, infine, un ultimo capitolo contenente le osservazioni conclusive sugli esiti del lavoro.

Labour, LGBT* rights, and Europe. Discourses in Italy and Serbia

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.

Media activism on and off line by Italian adolescents and young adults

From several researchers it appears that Italian adolescents and young people are grown up with commercial television which is accused to contain too much violence, sex, reality shows, advertising, cartoons which are watched from 1 to 4 hours daily. Adolescents are also great users of mobile phones and spend a lot of time to use it. Their academic results are below the average of Ocse States. However the widespread use of communication technology and social networks display also another side of adolescents who engage in media activism and political movement such as Ammazzateci tutti!, Indymedia, Movimento 5 Stelle, Movimento No Tav. In which way does the world economic crisis -with the specific problems of Italy as the cutting founds for school, academic research and welfare, the corruption of political class, mafia and camorra organisation induce a reaction in our adolescents and young people? Several researches inform us about their use of internet in terms of spending time but, more important, how internet, and the web 2.0, could be an instrument for their reaction? What do they do online? How they do it? Which is the meaning of their presence online? And, has their online activity a continuity offline? The research aims are: 1. Trough a participant observation of Social Network profiles opened by 10 young active citizens, I would seek to understand which kind of social or political activities they engage in online as individuals and which is the meaning of their presence online. 2. To observe and understand if adolescents and young people have a continuity of their socio-political engagement online in offline activities and which kind of experiences it is. 3. Try to comprehend which was (or which were) the significant, learning experiences that convinced them about the potential of the web as tool for their activism.