Contribution of Vision and Proprioception to the Precision of Reaching Movements

Ren and colleagues (2006) found that saccades to visual targets became less accurate when somatosensory information about hand location was added, suggesting that saccades rely mainly on vision. We conducted two kinematic experiments to examine whether or not reaching movements would also show such strong reliance on vision. In Experiment 1, subjects used their dominant right hand to perform reaches, with or without a delay, to an external visual target or to their own left fingertip positioned either by the experimenter or by the participant. Unlike saccades, reaches became more accurate and precise when proprioceptive information was available. In Experiment 2, subjects reached toward external or bodily targets with differing amounts of visual information. Proprioception improved performance only when vision was limited. Our results indicate that reaching movements, unlike saccades, are improved rather than impaired by the addition of somatosensory information.

Congenital Nystagmus eye movements analysis and oculomotor system models evaluation

The term Congenital Nystagmus (Early Onset Nystagmus or Infantile Nystagmus Syndrome) refers to a pathology characterised by an involuntary movement of the eyes, which often seriously reduces a subject’s vision. Congenital Nystagmus (CN) is a specific kind of nystagmus within the wider classification of infantile nystagmus, which can be best recognized and classified by means of a combination of clinical investigations and motility analysis; in some cases, eye movement recording and analysis are indispensable for diagnosis. However, interpretation of eye movement recordings still lacks of complete reliability; hence new analysis techniques and precise identification of concise parameters directly related to visual acuity are necessary to further support physicians’ decisions. To this aim, an index computed from eye movement recordings and related to the visual acuity of a subject is proposed in this thesis. This estimator is based on two parameters: the time spent by a subject effectively viewing a target (foveation time - Tf) and the standard deviation of eye position (SDp). Moreover, since previous studies have shown that visual acuity largely depends on SDp, a data collection pilot study was also conducted with the purpose of specifically identifying eventual slow rhythmic component in the eye position and to characterise in more detail the SDp. The results are presented in this thesis. In addition, some oculomotor system models are reviewed and a new approach to those models, i.e. the recovery of periodic orbits of the oculomotor system in patients with CN, is tested on real patients data. In conclusion, the results obtained within this research consent to completely and reliably characterise the slow rhythmic component sometimes present in eye position recordings of CN subjects and to better classify the different kinds of CN waveforms. Those findings can successfully support the clinicians in therapy planning and treatment outcome evaluation.

Tra pacifismo e ambientalismo: il Nuclear Freeze Movement e la risposta dell'amministrazione Reagan

Negli anni Ottanta si assiste tanto nel vecchio quanto nel nuovo continente alla rinascita del movimento antinucleare. Mentre in Europa l’origine di questa ondata di proteste antinucleari è collegata alla “doppia decisione” NATO del 1979, negli Stati Uniti la genesi si colloca nel contesto dalla mobilitazione dei gruppi ambientalisti in seguito all’incidente alla centrale nucleare di Three Mile Island. Dopo l’elezione di Ronald Reagan, alle proteste contro le applicazioni pacifiche dell’atomo si affiancarono quelle contro la politica nucleare del Paese. La retorica di Reagan, il massiccio piano di riarmo, unitamente al rinnovato deteriorarsi delle relazioni tra USA e URSS contribuirono a diffondere nell’opinione pubblica la sensazione che l’amministrazione Reagan, almeno da un punto di vista teorico, non avesse escluso dalle sue opzioni il ricorso alle armi nucleari nel caso di un confronto con l’URSS. I timori legati a questa percezione produssero una nuova ondata di proteste che assunsero dimensioni di massa grazie alla mobilitazione provocata dalla Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC). Il target della NWFC era l’ampio programma di riarmo nucleare sostenuto da Reagan, che secondo gli attivisti nucleari, in un quadro di crescenti tensioni internazionali, avrebbe fatto aumentare le possibilità di uno scontro atomico. Per evitare lo scenario dell’olocausto nucleare, la NWFC proponeva «un congelamento bilaterale e verificabile del collaudo, dell’installazione e della produzione di armi nucleari». L’idea del nuclear freeze, che era concepito come un passo per fermare la spirale del riarmo e tentare successivamente di negoziare riduzioni negli arsenali delle due superpotenze, riscosse un tale consenso nell’opinione pubblica americana da indurre l’amministrazione Reagan a formulare una risposta specifica. Durante la primavera del 1982 fu, infatti, creato un gruppo interdipartimentale ad hoc, l’Arms Control Information Policy Group, con il compito di arginare l’influenza della NWFC sull’opinione pubblica americana e formulare una risposta coerente alle critiche del movimento antinucleare.

Building Peace and/or Gender Equality. Changing Attitudes around Peace, Development and Security in International Cooperation in Rwanda.

The times following international or civil conflicts but also violent revolutions often come with unequal share of the peace dividend for men and women. Delusions for women who gained freedom of movement and of roles during conflict but had to step back during reconstruction and peace have been recorded in all regions of the world. The emergence of peacebuilding as a modality for the international community to ensure peace and security has slowly incorporated gender sensitivity at the level of legal and policy instruments. Focusing on Rwanda, a country that has obtained significant gender advancement in the years after the genocide while also obtaining to not relapse into conflict, this research explores to what extent the international community has contributed to this transformation. From a review of evaluations, findings are that many of the interventions did not purse gender equality, and overall the majority understood gender and designed actions is a quite superficial way which would hardly account for the significative advancement in combating gender discrimination that the Government, for its inner political will, is conducting. Then, after a critique from a feminist standpoint to the concept of human security, departing from the assumption (sustained by the Governemnt of Rwanda as well) that domestic violence is a variable influencing level of security relevant at the national level, a review of available secondary data on GBV is conducted an trends over the years analysed. The emerging trends signal a steep increase in prevalence of GBV and in domestic violence in particular. Although no conclusive interpretation can be formulated on these data, there are elements suggesting the increase might be due to augmented reporting. The research concludes outlining possible further research pathways to better understand the link in Rwanda between the changing gender norms and the GBV.