Molecular basis of Osteoarthritis and aspects of cellular senescence in disease

The aim of this study is to investigate on some molecular mechanisms contributing to the pathogenesis of osteoarthritis (OA) and in particular to the senescence of articular chondrocytes. It is focused on understanding molecular events downstream GSK3β inactivation or dependent on the activity of IKKα, a kinase that does not belong to the phenotype of healthy articular chondrocytes. Moreover, the potential of some nutraceuticals on scavenging ROS thus reducing oxidative stress, DNA damage, and chondrocyte senescence has been evaluated in vitro. The in vitro LiCl-mediated GSK3β inactivation resulted in increased mitochondrial ROS production, that impacted on cellular proliferation, with S-phase transient arrest, increased SA-β gal and PAS staining, cell size and granularity. ROS are also responsible for the of increased expression of two major oxidative lesions, i.e. 1) double strand breaks, tagged by γH2AX, that associates with activation of GADD45β and p21, and 2) 8-oxo-dG adducts, that associate with increased IKKα and MMP-10 expression. The pattern observed in vitro was confirmed on cartilage from OA patients. IKKa dramatically affects the intensity of the DNA damage response induced by oxidative stress (H2O2 exposure) in chondrocytes, as evidenced by silencing strategies. At early time point an higher percentage of γH2AX positive cells and more foci in IKKa-KD cells are observed, but IKKa KD cells proved to almost completely recover after 24 hours respect to their controls. Telomere attrition is also reduced in IKKaKD. Finally MSH6 and MLH1 genes are up-regulated in IKKαKD cells but not in control cells. Hydroxytyrosol and Spermidine have a great ROS scavenging capacity in vitro. Both treatments revert the H2O2 dependent increase of cell death and γH2AX-foci formation and senescence, suggesting the ability of increasing cell homeostasis. These data indicate that nutraceuticals represent a great challenge in OA management, for both therapeutical and preventive purposes.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Transcriptional functions of DNA Topoisomerases at a genome-wide scale and a single gene levels

The DNA topology is an important modifier of DNA functions. Torsional stress is generated when right handed DNA is either over- or underwound, producing structural deformations which drive or are driven by processes such as replication, transcription, recombination and repair. DNA topoisomerases are molecular machines that regulate the topological state of the DNA in the cell. These enzymes accomplish this task by either passing one strand of the DNA through a break in the opposing strand or by passing a region of the duplex from the same or a different molecule through a double-stranded cut generated in the DNA. Because of their ability to cut one or two strands of DNA they are also target for some of the most successful anticancer drugs used in standard combination therapies of human cancers. An effective anticancer drug is Camptothecin (CPT) that specifically targets DNA topoisomerase 1 (TOP 1). The research project of the present thesis has been focused on the role of human TOP 1 during transcription and on the transcriptional consequences associated with TOP 1 inhibition by CPT in human cell lines. Previous findings demonstrate that TOP 1 inhibition by CPT perturbs RNA polymerase (RNAP II) density at promoters and along transcribed genes suggesting an involvement of TOP 1 in RNAP II promoter proximal pausing site. Within the transcription cycle, promoter pausing is a fundamental step the importance of which has been well established as a means of coupling elongation to RNA maturation. By measuring nascent RNA transcripts bound to chromatin, we demonstrated that TOP 1 inhibition by CPT can enhance RNAP II escape from promoter proximal pausing site of the human Hypoxia Inducible Factor 1 (HIF-1) and c-MYC genes in a dose dependent manner. This effect is dependent from Cdk7/Cdk9 activities since it can be reversed by the kinases inhibitor DRB. Since CPT affects RNAP II by promoting the hyperphosphorylation of its Rpb1 subunit the findings suggest that TOP 1inhibition by CPT may increase the activity of Cdks which in turn phosphorylate the Rpb1 subunit of RNAP II enhancing its escape from pausing. Interestingly, the transcriptional consequences of CPT induced topological stress are wider than expected. CPT increased co-transcriptional splicing of exon1 and 2 and markedly affected alternative splicing at exon 11. Surprisingly despite its well-established transcription inhibitory activity, CPT can trigger the production of a novel long RNA (5’aHIF-1) antisense to the human HIF-1 mRNA and a known antisense RNA at the 3’ end of the gene, while decreasing mRNA levels. The effects require TOP 1 and are independent from CPT induced DNA damage. Thus, when the supercoiling imbalance promoted by CPT occurs at promoter, it may trigger deregulation of the RNAP II pausing, increased chromatin accessibility and activation/derepression of antisense transcripts in a Cdks dependent manner. A changed balance of antisense transcripts and mRNAs may regulate the activity of HIF-1 and contribute to the control of tumor progression After focusing our TOP 1 investigations at a single gene level, we have extended the study to the whole genome by developing the “Topo-Seq” approach which generates a map of genome-wide distribution of sites of TOP 1 activity sites in human cells. The preliminary data revealed that TOP 1 preferentially localizes at intragenic regions and in particular at 5’ and 3’ ends of genes. Surprisingly upon TOP 1 downregulation, which impairs protein expression by 80%, TOP 1 molecules are mostly localized around 3’ ends of genes, thus suggesting that its activity is essential at these regions and can be compensate at 5’ ends. The developed procedure is a pioneer tool for the detection of TOP 1 cleavage sites across the genome and can open the way to further investigations of the enzyme roles in different nuclear processes.