6 resultados para cultural history
em AMS Tesi di Dottorato - Alm@DL - Università di Bologna
Resumo:
This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of manâs characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provineâs (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelliâs (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestlerâs (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Bergerâs (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general âEconomy Ruleâ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic personâs arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the âvillage foolâ, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the âsocial comicâ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmannâs work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohueâs The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Bookerâs Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopperâs Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagherâs Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the authorâs restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his âspecific weightâ, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo lawâs penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a âsocialâ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its âchaptersâ âthe daily articlesâ had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition OâNolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figureâs function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a âculture in commonâ. There is no way for a âculture in commonâ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more âconnectedâ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.
Resumo:
Il lavoro ripercorre le tracce che gli ebrei portoghesi, esuli dopo il biennio 1496-97, lasciarono nel loro cammino attraverso l'Europa. In particolare, l'interesse si concentra sulla breve parentesi italiana, che grazie all'apertura e alla disponibilità di alcuni Signori, come i Gonzaga di Mantova, i Medici, i Dogi della Serenissima e gli Este, risulta ricchissima di avvenimenti e personaggi, decisivi anche per la storia culturale del Portogallo. L'analisi parte evidenziando l'importanza che ebbe la tipografia ebraica in Portogallo all'epoca della sua introduzione nel Paese; in secondo luogo ripercorre la strada che, dal biennio del primo decreto di espulsione e del conseguente battesimo di massa, porta alla nascita dell'Inquisizione in Portogallo. Il secondo capitolo tenta di fare una ricostruzione, il più possibile completa e coerente, dei movimenti degli esuli, bollati come marrani e legati alle due maggiori famiglie, i Mendes e i Bemveniste, delineando poi il primo nucleo di quella che diventerà nel Seicento la comunità sefardita portoghese di Amsterdam, dove nasceranno le personalità dissidenti di Uriel da Costa e del suo allievo Spinoza. Il terzo capitolo introduce il tema delle opere letterarie, effettuando una rassegna dei maggiori volumi editi dalle officine tipografiche ebraiche stanziatesi in Italia fra il 1551 e il 1558, in modo particolare concentrando l'attenzione sull'attività della tipografia Usque, da cui usciranno numerosi testi di precettistica in lingua ebraica, ma soprattutto opere cruciali come la famosa «Bibbia Ferrarese» in castigliano, la «Consolação às Tribulações de Israel», di Samuel Usque e la raccolta composta dal romanzo cavalleresco «Menina e Moça» di Bernardim Ribeiro e dall'ecloga «Crisfal», di un autore ancora non accertato. L'ultimo capitolo, infine, si propone di operare una disamina di queste ultime tre opere, ritenute fondamentali per ricostruire il contesto letterario e culturale in cui la comunità giudaica in esilio agiva e proiettava le proprie speranze di futuro. Per quanto le opere appartengano a generi diversi e mostrino diverso carattere, l'ipotesi è che siano parte di un unicum filosofico e spirituale, che intendeva sostanzialmente indicare ai confratelli sparsi per l'Europa la direzione da prendere, fornendo un sostegno teoretico, psicologico ed emotivo nelle difficili condizioni di sopravvivenza, soprattutto dell'integrità religiosa, di ciascun membro della comunità.
Resumo:
La tesi di ricerca si propone di esaminare due tipologie della canzone sociale nel XIX secolo, ed in particolare attorno al 1848. Lo studio del canto nei contesti presi in esame (l’Italia e la Francia) viene analizzato attraverso due piste di ricerca parallele tra loro. Da una parte si è utilizzato il concetto di sociabilité per conoscere i luoghi di produzione e di diffusione del canto (l’importanza della strada, dell’osteria, delle goguette parigine, degli chansonniers des rues e dei cantastorie) e le circostanze di utilizzazione della canzone (la canzone in quanto forma d’espressione orale ma anche come scrittura murale, foglio volante e volantino). Dall’altra l’analisi si è focalizzata sui contenuti dei testi musicali per mette in luce le differenti tematiche, le immagini linguistiche e le figure retoriche cantate dall’artigiano-operaio per far emergere le differenze dell’idea di nazione tra i due contesti presi in esame. L’attenzione posta alla comparazione condurrà all’evidenziazione di punti di contatto tra le due nazioni. Il canto, infatti, costituisce un terreno privilegiato per comprendere l’immagine dell’“altro”: quale immagine possedevano i lavoratori francesi dell’Italia risorgimentale? E gli artigiani italiani come percepivano la nazione francese? Il canto viene analizzato non solamente come un “testo” ma anche come una “pratica sociale”. Queste operazioni permetteranno di sondare più in profondità la funzione sociale svolta dalla canzone all’interno della cultura popolare e la sua importanza in quanto forma d’espressione e vettore di politicizzazione. La duplice utilizzazione del canto, in quanto “testo” e “pratica”, consente di inserire la ricerca all’interno di un filone storiografico che dalla storia sociale si muove a quella culturale. La canzone sociale rappresenta un fertile terreno di ricerca, non solamente all’interno di un singolo territorio nazionale, ma possiede un prezioso valore euristico in funzione comparativa.
Resumo:
Il quadro tematico della tesi è la storia politica e culturale delle relazioni tra il cattolicesimo democratico di origine «popolare» e la tradizione del liberalismo italiano, in un arco cronologico compreso tra l’antifascismo dell’Aventino e la fondazione della Democrazia Cristiana. L’ipotesi della ricerca è che proprio in questo «lungo viaggio» la classe dirigente del cattolicesimo politico (a cominciare dalla leadership di Alcide De Gasperi) abbia completato quel processo di acculturazione in senso «liberale» che le avrebbe consentito di guidare consensualmente l’uscita dal fascismo nel secondo dopoguerra.
Resumo:
Two Amerindian populations from the Peruvian Amazon (Yanesha) and from rural lowlands of the Argentinean Gran Chaco (Wichi) were analyzed. They represent two case study of the South American genetic variability. The Yanesha represent a model of population isolated for long-time in the Amazon rainforest, characterized by environmental and altitudinal stratifications. The Wichi represent a model of population living in an area recently colonized by European populations (the Criollos are the population of the admixed descendents), whose aim is to depict the native ancestral gene pool and the degree of admixture, in relation to the very high prevalence of Chagas disease. The methods used for the genotyping are common, concerning the Y chromosome markers (male lineage) and the mitochondrial markers (maternal lineage). The determination of the phylogeographic diagnostic polymorphisms was carried out by the classical techniques of PCR, restriction enzymes, sequencing and specific mini-sequencing. New method for the detection of the protozoa Trypanosoma cruzi was developed by means of the nested PCR. The main results show patterns of genetic stratification in Yanesha forest communities, referable to different migrations at different times, estimated by Bayesian analyses. In particular Yanesha were considered as a population of transition between the Amazon basin and the Andean Cordillera, evaluating the potential migration routes and the separation of clusters of community in relation to different genetic bio-ancestry. As the Wichi, the gene pool analyzed appears clearly differentiated by the admixed sympatric Criollos, due to strict social practices (deeply analyzed with the support of cultural anthropological tools) that have preserved the native identity at a diachronic level. A pattern of distribution of the seropositivity in relation to the different phylogenetic lineages (the adaptation in evolutionary terms) does not appear, neither Amerindian nor European, but in relation to environmental and living conditions of the two distinct subpopulations.
Resumo:
Genetic differences among human groups can be ascribed both to the broad-scale extents of pre-historical and historical migrations and to the fine-scale impacts of socio-cultural and geographic heterogeneity. In this thesis, the genetic information provided by uniparental markers were exploited to address different aspects of the Italian population history, by combining macro- and micro-geographic investigations at different spatial and temporal scales. To firstly assess the overall Italian variability, Y-chromosome and mtDNA markers were deeply typed in ~900 individuals from continental Italy, Sicily and Sardinia. Sex-biased patterns and contrasting demographic histories were observed for males and females. Differential European and Mediterranean contributions were invoked to explain the paternal genetic sub-structure observed in peninsular Italy, compared to the homogeneous maternal genetic landscape. If Neolithic showed to be one principal determinant of the detected paternal structure, local insights into specific Italian regional contexts highlighted the importance of Post-Neolithic contributions. Among them, migrations from the Balkans (particularly Greece) during late Metal Ages, played a relevant role in the cultural and genetic transitions occurred in Sicily and Southern Italy. On a finer geographic and temporal perspective, the more recent layers of Italian genetic history and some aspects of the gene-culture interaction were assessed by exploring the genetic variability within two “marginal populations”: Arbereshe of Southern Italy and Partecipanza in Northern Italy. The Arbereshe are Albanian-speaking communities settled in Sicily and Calabria since the end of Middle Ages. Despite sharing common genetic and cultural backgrounds, these groups revealed diverging micro-evolutionary histories, implying different founding events and different patterns of cultural isolation and local admixture. Partecipanza is an idiosyncratic institution of Medieval origin aimed at sharing and devolving collective lands. This case-study exemplified that socio-economic stratification within the same population may induce sex-biased genetic structuring and the maintenance of otherwise hidden historical genetic traces.