The EU and Dispute Settlement within the WTO: a strategy for the protection of the Union’s autonomy in the domestic regulation of goods?

Oggetto della ricerca è l’accertamento dell’esistenza, nonché la definizione, della strategia dall’UE in materia di controversie commerciali aventi ad oggetto l’interpretazione e l’applicazione di norme facenti capo agli Accordi OMC in materia di misure sanitarie e di barriere tecniche al commercio. Nella prima parte della tesi, si ricostruiscono gli obbiettivi perseguiti dall’UE in materia di controversie SPS e TBT. In questo contesto, un’importanza di primo piano è attribuita alla difesa dell’autonomia regolamentare dell’Unione. Ad essa si riconduce la prassi UE finalizzata a prevenire il sorgere di controversie sul piano bilaterale attraverso la conclusione di accordi di mutuo riconoscimento, la cui portata ella sottolinea essere tuttavia limitata. L’analisi di cinque controversie sorte in ambito OMC di cui l’Unione è o è stata parte convenuta e che si fondano su presunte o accertate violazioni delle norme facenti capo ai due accordi menzionati consente di classificare gli argomenti giuridici avanzati dall’Unione nel contesto di tali controversie. Nella seconda parte della ricerca, la candidata identifica i mezzi a servizio della strategia UE, in primo luogo, attraverso l’analisi del quadro giuridico relativo alla partecipazione dell’Unione e degli Stati Membri al sistema OMC di risoluzione delle controversie; in secondo luogo, attraverso lo studio, da un lato, dello status delle norme OMC nell’ordinamento UE e, dall’altro, degli effetti delle pronunce dell’Organo di Risoluzione delle Controversie e della questione della responsabilità dell’Unione per violazione del diritto OMC. Sulla base del lavoro di ricerca svolto, si conclude che una strategia dell’UE esiste nella misura in cui l’Unione persegue l’obbiettivo di preservare la propria autonomia regolamentare attraverso, anche se non esclusivamente, gli strumenti afferenti all’ordine giuridico interno analizzati nella seconda parte. La candidata conclude altresì che la riforma del diritto delle relazioni esterne operata dal Trattato di Lisbona può indurre un cambiamento di tale strategia.

Credit-Default-Swaps and the 2008 Financial Crisis: An Inquiry into the Underlying Legal Origins and the European Union’s Regulatory Reforms

After the 2008 financial crisis, the financial innovation product Credit-Default-Swap (CDS) was widely blamed as the main cause of this crisis. CDS is one type of over-the-counter (OTC) traded derivatives. Before the crisis, the trading of CDS was very popular among the financial institutions. But meanwhile, excessive speculative CDSs transactions in a legal environment of scant regulation accumulated huge risks in the financial system. This dissertation is divided into three parts. In Part I, we discussed the primers of the CDSs and its market development, then we analyzed in detail the roles CDSs had played in this crisis based on economic studies. It is advanced that CDSs not just promoted the eruption of the crisis in 2007 but also exacerbated it in 2008. In part II, we asked ourselves what are the legal origins of this crisis in relation with CDSs, as we believe that financial instruments could only function, positive or negative, under certain legal institutional environment. After an in-depth inquiry, we observed that at least three traditional legal doctrines were eroded or circumvented by OTC derivatives. It is argued that the malfunction of these doctrines, on the one hand, facilitated the proliferation of speculative CDSs transactions; on the other hand, eroded the original risk-control legal mechanism. Therefore, the 2008 crisis could escalate rapidly into a global financial tsunami, which was out of control of the regulators. In Part III, we focused on the European Union’s regulatory reform towards the OTC derivatives market. In specific, EU introduced mandatory central counterparty clearing obligation for qualified OTC derivatives, and requires that all OTC derivatives shall be reported to a trade repository. It is observable that EU’s approach in re-regulating the derivatives market is different with the traditional administrative regulation, but aiming at constructing a new market infrastructure for OTC derivatives.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

The firm. Techno-organizational changes, industrial relations and performances. An enquiry on Reggio Emilia local industrial system

It is not unknown that the evolution of firm theories has been developed along a path paved by an increasing awareness of the organizational structure importance. From the early “neoclassical” conceptualizations that intended the firm as a rational actor whose aim is to produce that amount of output, given the inputs at its disposal and in accordance to technological or environmental constraints, which maximizes the revenue (see Boulding, 1942 for a past mid century state of the art discussion) to the knowledge based theory of the firm (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995; Nonaka & Toyama, 2005), which recognizes in the firm a knnowledge creating entity, with specific organizational capabilities (Teece, 1996; Teece & Pisano, 1998) that allow to sustaine competitive advantages. Tracing back a map of the theory of the firm evolution, taking into account the several perspectives adopted in the history of thought, would take the length of many books. Because of that a more fruitful strategy is circumscribing the focus of the description of the literature evolution to one flow connected to a crucial question about the nature of firm’s behaviour and about the determinants of competitive advantages. In so doing I adopt a perspective that allows me to consider the organizational structure of the firm as an element according to which the different theories can be discriminated. The approach adopted starts by considering the drawbacks of the standard neoclassical theory of the firm. Discussing the most influential theoretical approaches I end up with a close examination of the knowledge based perspective of the firm. Within this perspective the firm is considered as a knowledge creating entity that produce and mange knowledge (Nonaka, Toyama, & Nagata, 2000; Nonaka & Toyama, 2005). In a knowledge intensive organization, knowledge is clearly embedded for the most part in the human capital of the individuals that compose such an organization. In a knowledge based organization, the management, in order to cope with knowledge intensive productions, ought to develop and accumulate capabilities that shape the organizational forms in a way that relies on “cross-functional processes, extensive delayering and empowerment” (Foss 2005, p.12). This mechanism contributes to determine the absorptive capacity of the firm towards specific technologies and, in so doing, it also shape the technological trajectories along which the firm moves. After having recognized the growing importance of the firm’s organizational structure in the theoretical literature concerning the firm theory, the subsequent point of the analysis is that of providing an overview of the changes that have been occurred at micro level to the firm’s organization of production. The economic actors have to deal with challenges posed by processes of internationalisation and globalization, increased and increasing competitive pressure of less developed countries on low value added production activities, changes in technologies and increased environmental turbulence and volatility. As a consequence, it has been widely recognized that the main organizational models of production that fitted well in the 20th century are now partially inadequate and processes aiming to reorganize production activities have been widespread across several economies in recent years. Recently, the emergence of a “new” form of production organization has been proposed both by scholars, practitioners and institutions: the most prominent characteristic of such a model is its recognition of the importance of employees commitment and involvement. As a consequence it is characterized by a strong accent on the human resource management and on those practices that aim to widen the autonomy and responsibility of the workers as well as increasing their commitment to the organization (Osterman, 1994; 2000; Lynch, 2007). This “model” of production organization is by many defined as High Performance Work System (HPWS). Despite the increasing diffusion of workplace practices that may be inscribed within the concept of HPWS in western countries’ companies, it is an hazard, to some extent, to speak about the emergence of a “new organizational paradigm”. The discussion about organizational changes and the diffusion of HPWP the focus cannot abstract from a discussion about the industrial relations systems, with a particular accent on the employment relationships, because of their relevance, in the same way as production organization, in determining two major outcomes of the firm: innovation and economic performances. The argument is treated starting from the issue of the Social Dialogue at macro level, both in an European perspective and Italian perspective. The model of interaction between the social parties has repercussions, at micro level, on the employment relationships, that is to say on the relations between union delegates and management or workers and management. Finding economic and social policies capable of sustaining growth and employment within a knowledge based scenario is likely to constitute the major challenge for the next generation of social pacts, which are the main social dialogue outcomes. As Acocella and Leoni (2007) put forward the social pacts may constitute an instrument to trade wage moderation for high intensity in ICT, organizational and human capital investments. Empirical evidence, especially focused on the micro level, about the positive relation between economic growth and new organizational designs coupled with ICT adoption and non adversarial industrial relations is growing. Partnership among social parties may become an instrument to enhance firm competitiveness. The outcome of the discussion is the integration of organizational changes and industrial relations elements within a unified framework: the HPWS. Such a choice may help in disentangling the potential existence of complementarities between these two aspects of the firm internal structure on economic and innovative performance. With the third chapter starts the more original part of the thesis. The data utilized in order to disentangle the relations between HPWS practices, innovation and economic performance refer to the manufacturing firms of the Reggio Emilia province with more than 50 employees. The data have been collected through face to face interviews both to management (199 respondents) and to union representatives (181 respondents). Coupled with the cross section datasets a further data source is constituted by longitudinal balance sheets (1994-2004). Collecting reliable data that in turn provide reliable results needs always a great effort to which are connected uncertain results. Data at micro level are often subjected to a trade off: the wider is the geographical context to which the population surveyed belong the lesser is the amount of information usually collected (low level of resolution); the narrower is the focus on specific geographical context, the higher is the amount of information usually collected (high level of resolution). For the Italian case the evidence about the diffusion of HPWP and their effects on firm performances is still scanty and usually limited to local level studies (Cristini, et al., 2003). The thesis is also devoted to the deepening of an argument of particular interest: the existence of complementarities between the HPWS practices. It has been widely shown by empirical evidence that when HPWP are adopted in bundles they are more likely to impact on firm’s performances than when adopted in isolation (Ichniowski, Prennushi, Shaw, 1997). Is it true also for the local production system of Reggio Emilia? The empirical analysis has the precise aim of providing evidence on the relations between the HPWS dimensions and the innovative and economic performances of the firm. As far as the first line of analysis is concerned it must to be stressed the fundamental role that innovation plays in the economy (Geroski & Machin, 1993; Stoneman & Kwoon 1994, 1996; OECD, 2005; EC, 2002). On this point the evidence goes from the traditional innovations, usually approximated by R&D investment expenditure or number of patents, to the introduction and adoption of ICT, in the recent years (Brynjolfsson & Hitt, 2000). If innovation is important then it is critical to analyse its determinants. In this work it is hypothesised that organizational changes and firm level industrial relations/employment relations aspects that can be put under the heading of HPWS, influence the propensity to innovate in product, process and quality of the firm. The general argument may goes as follow: changes in production management and work organization reconfigure the absorptive capacity of the firm towards specific technologies and, in so doing, they shape the technological trajectories along which the firm moves; cooperative industrial relations may lead to smother adoption of innovations, because not contrasted by unions. From the first empirical chapter emerges that the different types of innovations seem to respond in different ways to the HPWS variables. The underlying processes of product, process and quality innovations are likely to answer to different firm’s strategies and needs. Nevertheless, it is possible to extract some general results in terms of the most influencing HPWS factors on innovative performance. The main three aspects are training coverage, employees involvement and the diffusion of bonuses. These variables show persistent and significant relations with all the three innovation types. The same do the components having such variables at their inside. In sum the aspects of the HPWS influence the propensity to innovate of the firm. At the same time, emerges a quite neat (although not always strong) evidence of complementarities presence between HPWS practices. In terns of the complementarity issue it can be said that some specific complementarities exist. Training activities, when adopted and managed in bundles, are related to the propensity to innovate. Having a sound skill base may be an element that enhances the firm’s capacity to innovate. It may enhance both the capacity to absorbe exogenous innovation and the capacity to endogenously develop innovations. The presence and diffusion of bonuses and the employees involvement also spur innovative propensity. The former because of their incentive nature and the latter because direct workers participation may increase workers commitment to the organizationa and thus their willingness to support and suggest inovations. The other line of analysis provides results on the relation between HPWS and economic performances of the firm. There have been a bulk of international empirical studies on the relation between organizational changes and economic performance (Black & Lynch 2001; Zwick 2004; Janod & Saint-Martin 2004; Huselid 1995; Huselid & Becker 1996; Cappelli & Neumark 2001), while the works aiming to capture the relations between economic performance and unions or industrial relations aspects are quite scant (Addison & Belfield, 2001; Pencavel, 2003; Machin & Stewart, 1990; Addison, 2005). In the empirical analysis the integration of the two main areas of the HPWS represent a scarcely exploited approach in the panorama of both national and international empirical studies. As remarked by Addison “although most analysis of workers representation and employee involvement/high performance work practices have been conducted in isolation – while sometimes including the other as controls – research is beginning to consider their interactions” (Addison, 2005, p.407). The analysis conducted exploiting temporal lags between dependent and covariates, possibility given by the merger of cross section and panel data, provides evidence in favour of the existence of HPWS practices impact on firm’s economic performance, differently measured. Although it does not seem to emerge robust evidence on the existence of complementarities among HPWS aspects on performances there is evidence of a general positive influence of the single practices. The results are quite sensible to the time lags, inducing to hypothesize that time varying heterogeneity is an important factor in determining the impact of organizational changes on economic performance. The implications of the analysis can be of help both to management and local level policy makers. Although the results are not simply extendible to other local production systems it may be argued that for contexts similar to the Reggio Emilia province, characterized by the presence of small and medium enterprises organized in districts and by a deep rooted unionism, with strong supporting institutions, the results and the implications here obtained can also fit well. However, a hope for future researches on the subject treated in the present work is that of collecting good quality information over wider geographical areas, possibly at national level, and repeated in time. Only in this way it is possible to solve the Gordian knot about the linkages between innovation, performance, high performance work practices and industrial relations.

Dalla Francia all'Italia: impegno politico, inchiesta e transfers culturali alle origini della sociologia del lavoro in Italia

Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So “free union” CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review “Socialisme ou Barbarie” influenced Italian sociology of work.

The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round

This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.

Regolazione delle prestazioni indispensabili e poteri della Commissione di garanzia

La legge n. 146 del 1990 ha istituito la Commissione di garanzia per l’attuazione della legge sullo sciopero nei servizi pubblici essenziali, un’authority deputata al controllo dell’effettivo bilanciamento del diritto di sciopero con gli altri diritti della persona di rango costituzionale nel caso dei servizi pubblici essenziali. Ad essa spettano alcuni poteri tra di loro eterogenei. Accanto a poteri propulsivi e sanzionatori, essa possiede poteri di tipo normativo. La legge prevede, infatti, che le prestazioni indispensabili e le altre misure necessarie al contemperamento siano determinate da accordi tra il datore di lavoro e le associazioni sindacali, mentre per il lavoro autonomo da codici di autoregolamentazione forniti da ognuna delle categorie interessate. Gli accordi e i codici di autoregolamentazione devono essere, comunque, sottoposti al vaglio della Commissione di garanzia la quale in ultimo stabilisce se essi siano idonei a realizzare il bilanciamento dei diritti in questione. Quando i soggetti indicati dalla legge non provvedano alla redazione dei suddetti atti, la Commissione interviene con l’emanazione di una provvisoria regolamentazione, la quale possiede natura di regolamento, giacchè partecipa dei caratteri della generalità ed astrattezza propri delle norme di legge. In effetti, anche altre authorities possiedono un potere normativo, che si sostanzia alle volte in un regolamento indipendente, altre in un regolamento simile ai regolamenti delegati ed altre al regolamento esecutivo. Poiché la legge n. 146 del 1990 prevede quali siano gli istituti idonei a realizzare il bilanciamento (preavviso, proclamazione scritta, procedure di raffreddamento e conciliazione, intervallo minimo, misure indicative delle prestazioni indispensabili), la provvisoria regolamentazione possiede i caratteri del regolamento esecutivo.

La giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali nell'ordinamento dell'Unione europea

L’oggetto del lavoro si sostanzia nella verifica del grado di giustiziabilità che i diritti sociali ricevono nell’ordinamento dell’Unione europea. L’indagine si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato ad una sintetica ricostruzione dei modelli di welfare state riconosciuti dagli ordinamenti dei diversi paesi membri dell’Unione attraverso cui, la candidata enuclea un insieme di diritti sociali che ricevono tutela in tutti gli ordinamenti nazionali. L’esposizione prosegue, con la ricostruzione dell’evoluzione dei Trattati istitutivi dell’Unione e l’inclusione della sfera sociale tra gli obiettivi di questa. In particolare, il secondo capitolo esamina la giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia in relazione alle materie sociali, nonché l’inclusione dei diritti sociali nel testo della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. L’analisi si sofferma sulle tecniche normative adottate nell’area della politica sociale, evidenziando la tendenza ad un approccio di tipo “soft” piuttosto che attraverso il classico metodo comunitario. Esaurita questa analisi il terzo capitolo analizza i rapporti tra il diritto dell’Ue e quello della CEDU in materia di diritti sociali, evidenziano il diverso approccio utilizzato dalle due istanze sovranazionali nella tutela di questi diritti. Sulla base del lavoro svolto si conclude per una sostanziale mancanza di giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali in ambito dell’Unione. In particolare i punti deboli dell’Europa sociale vengono individuati in: un approccio regolativo alla dimensione sociale di tipo sempre più soft; la permanenza di alcuni deficit di competenze; la mancata indicazione di criteri di bilanciamento tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche e dalla compresenza delle due nozioni di economia sociale e di economia di mercato. Le conclusioni mostrano come l’assenza di competenze esclusive dell’Unione in materia di politica sociale non consenta una uniformazione/armonizzazione delle politiche sociali interne, che si riflette nell’incapacità dei modelli sociali nazionali di assorbire i grandi mutamenti macro economici che si sono avuti negli ultimi vent’anni, sia a livello sovranazionale che internazionale.

L’autotutela collettiva tra ipotesi di revisione della disciplina nazionale e prospettive europee

Nel presente lavoro viene trattato il delicato tema dell’autotutela collettiva, nell’intersezione tra ipotesi di revisione nazionale e prospettive europee. Dapprima viene ricostruita l’evoluzione della valutazione del conflitto collettivo nell’ordinamento giuridico italiano ed effettuata una ricognizione delle diverse manifestazioni del conflitto collettivo ivi riscontrabili. Il tentativo è quello di superare i limiti di una trattazione ristretta allo sciopero e di verificare la perdurante validità della tradizionale nozione di sciopero, intesa esclusivamente come astensione collettiva dalle prestazioni di lavoro. In un secondo capitolo vengono esaminati i disegni di legge di riforma in materia di conflitto collettivo, presentati nel corso della XVI legislatura e le clausole, incidenti sulla medesima materia, rinvenibili nell’Accordo interconfederale del 28 giugno 2011 e negli accordi FIAT del 2010, relativi agli stabilimenti di Pomigliano D’Arco e Mirafiori. Alla luce di tali materiali, si riesaminano le tematiche della titolarità individuale del diritto di sciopero, delle clausole di tregua e delle procedure arbitrali e conciliative. Successivamente, viene esaminata la produzione legislativa e giurisprudenziale comunitaria in tema di conflitto collettivo. Il confronto con l’ordinamento nazionale consente di mettere criticamente in luce il diverso rapporto tra mercato e diritti d’azione collettiva e di rilevare che nell’ordinamento comunitario la giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia abbia introdotto limiti eccessivi al dispiegarsi dei diritti sociali in esame. Da ultimo, vengono formulate alcune considerazioni conclusive. Criticamente viene rilevato come, in tempi di globalizzazione, non viene prestata sufficiente attenzione alla valorizzazione del conflitto collettivo, come motore dell’emancipazione e del progresso sociale.

I rapporti tra contratti collettivi di diverso livello nel settore privato

L’elaborato esamina il tema del concorso e del conflitto tra contratti collettivi di diverso livello nel settore privato. Partendo da un’impostazione complessiva del fenomeno della contrattazione collettiva, oltre che da una riflessione sulla natura e sul ruolo della contrattazione integrativa, il lavoro si propone di individuare un criterio di risoluzione del conflitto. In una prima parte della ricerca sono stati individuati e studiati i modelli di rapporti tra livelli definiti negli accordi interconfederali e nei contratti di categoria. Nello studio della regolamentazione interna al sistema sindacale si è considerato la natura delle relative clausole. Queste ultime hanno valenza obbligatoria e, per tale motivo, non sono idonee a risolvere l’eventuale conflitto tra livelli contrattuali. Si è reso quindi necessario considerare i criteri esterni di risoluzione del conflitto elaborati dalla dottrina e della giurisprudenza. Tra i vari criteri elaborati, ci si è soffermati sul criterio di specialità, sulla sua natura e sulla sua funzione. Più nello specifico, si è ritenuto il principio di specialità un principio generale dell’ordinamento giuridico, applicabile anche al conflitto tra contratti di diverso livello. Alla luce del principio di specialità, si è ricostruito il rapporto tra livelli, anche in ipotesi di contrattazione separata e di negoziazione operante su rinvio legislativo. Infine, nell’ultimo capitolo si è esaminato l’art. 8 della L. 148/2011. Ci si è interrogati sulla compatibilità di tale norma con l’impostazione complessiva del tema del rapporto tra contratti di diverso livello e sui suoi riflessi sulla questione del conflitto.

I partiti socialisti italiano e spagnolo e le loro relazioni con i sindacati (1976-1986)

La tesi qui presente è uno studio comparativo dei partiti socialisti italiano e spagnolo dal 1976 al 1986. Il soggetto di studio è la relazione tra i partiti socialisti e i sindacati. Durante questa decade, i partiti socialisti italiano e spagnolo vissero processi paralleli a livello nazionale e internazionale. Entrambi i partiti, per mano di Bettino Craxi e Felipe González, intrapresero un revisionismo ideologico per adattarsi alla situazione politica e sociale dell’epoca, al fine di divenire partiti di governo.

Flessibilità e controllo sindacale nel mercato del lavoro contemporaneo: il caso del contratto a tempo determinato

Il lavoro di ricerca che si presenta è suddiviso in tre capitoli nei quali, da altrettanti punti di osservazione, è analizzato il tema della instabilità del lavoro. Nel primo capitolo, il candidato evidenzia le cause che hanno determinato il vorticoso aumento di utilizzo dei contratti di lavoro flessibili e, a tal proposito, da un prospettiva extra-nazionale, analizza le direttive europee e, i principi comuni e le guidelines che, nel percorso di sviluppo della strategia europea per l’occupazione, hanno posto la flexicurity come modello di mercato europeo tipico; dalla medesima prospettiva, prendendo spunto dai cambiamenti del mercato globale, si pone attenzione all’analisi economica del diritto del lavoro e, in particolare, alle conseguenze che le trasformazioni economiche generano sulla capacità di questa materia di tenere elevato il grado di sicurezza occupazionale connesso alla stipula dei contratti di lavoro. Il secondo capitolo è dedicato al ruolo svolto in Italia dai sindacati sul tema della flessibilità. In tal senso, l’autore evidenzia come la funzione “istituzionale” cui sono chiamate anche le organizzazioni dei lavoratori abbia caratterizzato le scelte di politica sindacale in materia di lavori temporanei; è così preso in esame il concetto di flessibilità “contrattata”, come già emerso in dottrina, e si teorizza la differenza tra rinvii “aperti” e rinvii “chiusi”, quali differenti forme di delega di potere normativo alle parti sociali in materia di flessibilità. Nel terzo ed ultimo capitolo l’autore tenta di evidenziare i vantaggi e le funzioni che derivano dall’utilizzo del contratto a termine, quale principale forma di impiego flessibile del nostro mercato del lavoro. Premessi tali benefici viene formulato un giudizio critico rispetto al grado di liberalizzazione che, con le ultime riforme, è stato ammesso per questo istituto sempre più strumento di arbitrio del datore di lavoro nella scelta della durata e delle condizioni di svolgimento della prestazione di lavoro.

Sanctions and public enforcement of insider trading laws in Europe

The recent financial crisis triggered an increasing demand for financial regulation to counteract the potential negative economic effects of the evermore complex operations and instruments available on financial markets. As a result, insider trading regulation counts amongst the relatively recent but particularly active regulation battles in Europe and overseas. Claims for more transparency and equitable securities markets proliferate, ranging from concerns about investor protection to global market stability. The internationalization of the world’s securities market has challenged traditional notions of regulation and enforcement. Considering that insider trading is currently forbidden all over Europe, this study follows a law and economics approach in identifying how this prohibition should be enforced. More precisely, the study investigates first whether criminal law is necessary under all circumstances to enforce insider trading; second, if it should be introduced at EU level. This study provides evidence of law and economics theoretical logic underlying the legal mechanisms that guide sanctioning and public enforcement of the insider trading prohibition by identifying optimal forms, natures and types of sanctions that effectively induce insider trading deterrence. The analysis further aims to reveal the economic rationality that drives the potential need for harmonization of criminal enforcement of insider trading laws within the European environment by proceeding to a comparative analysis of the current legislations of height selected Member States. This work also assesses the European Union’s most recent initiative through a critical analysis of the proposal for a Directive on criminal sanctions for Market Abuse. Based on the conclusions drawn from its close analysis, the study takes on the challenge of analyzing whether or not the actual European public enforcement of the laws prohibiting insider trading is coherent with the theoretical law and economics recommendations, and how these enforcement practices could be improved.