Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Perturbative and non perturbative effects in the Standard Model and orbifolded ADS/CFT based theories

We study some perturbative and nonperturbative effects in the framework of the Standard Model of particle physics. In particular we consider the time dependence of the Higgs vacuum expectation value given by the dynamics of the StandardModel and study the non-adiabatic production of both bosons and fermions, which is intrinsically non-perturbative. In theHartree approximation, we analyze the general expressions that describe the dissipative dynamics due to the backreaction of the produced particles. Then, we solve numerically some relevant cases for the Standard Model phenomenology in the regime of relatively small oscillations of the Higgs vacuum expectation value (vev). As perturbative effects, we consider the leading logarithmic resummation in small Bjorken x QCD, concentrating ourselves on the Nc dependence of the Green functions associated to reggeized gluons. Here the eigenvalues of the BKP kernel for states of more than three reggeized gluons are unknown in general, contrary to the large Nc limit (planar limit) case where the problem becomes integrable. In this contest we consider a 4-gluon kernel for a finite number of colors and define some simple toy models for the configuration space dynamics, which are directly solvable with group theoretical methods. In particular we study the depencence of the spectrum of thesemodelswith respect to the number of colors andmake comparisons with the planar limit case. In the final part we move on the study of theories beyond the Standard Model, considering models built on AdS5 S5/Γ orbifold compactifications of the type IIB superstring, where Γ is the abelian group Zn. We present an appealing three family N = 0 SUSY model with n = 7 for the order of the orbifolding group. This result in a modified Pati–Salam Model which reduced to the StandardModel after symmetry breaking and has interesting phenomenological consequences for LHC.

Interactions between normative systems and software cognitive agents. A formalization in temporal modal defeasible logic and its implementation

Sustainable computer systems require some flexibility to adapt to environmental unpredictable changes. A solution lies in autonomous software agents which can adapt autonomously to their environments. Though autonomy allows agents to decide which behavior to adopt, a disadvantage is a lack of control, and as a side effect even untrustworthiness: we want to keep some control over such autonomous agents. How to control autonomous agents while respecting their autonomy? A solution is to regulate agents’ behavior by norms. The normative paradigm makes it possible to control autonomous agents while respecting their autonomy, limiting untrustworthiness and augmenting system compliance. It can also facilitate the design of the system, for example, by regulating the coordination among agents. However, an autonomous agent will follow norms or violate them in some conditions. What are the conditions in which a norm is binding upon an agent? While autonomy is regarded as the driving force behind the normative paradigm, cognitive agents provide a basis for modeling the bindingness of norms. In order to cope with the complexity of the modeling of cognitive agents and normative bindingness, we adopt an intentional stance. Since agents are embedded into a dynamic environment, things may not pass at the same instant. Accordingly, our cognitive model is extended to account for some temporal aspects. Special attention is given to the temporal peculiarities of the legal domain such as, among others, the time in force and the time in efficacy of provisions. Some types of normative modifications are also discussed in the framework. It is noteworthy that our temporal account of legal reasoning is integrated to our commonsense temporal account of cognition. As our intention is to build sustainable reasoning systems running unpredictable environment, we adopt a declarative representation of knowledge. A declarative representation of norms will make it easier to update their system representation, thus facilitating system maintenance; and to improve system transparency, thus easing system governance. Since agents are bounded and are embedded into unpredictable environments, and since conflicts may appear amongst mental states and norms, agent reasoning has to be defeasible, i.e. new pieces of information can invalidate formerly derivable conclusions. In this dissertation, our model is formalized into a non-monotonic logic, namely into a temporal modal defeasible logic, in order to account for the interactions between normative systems and software cognitive agents.

Elettori e partiti nell'Europa contemporanea: Est ed Ovest a confronto

The research is focused on the origin and the structure of the European party systems in long-standing democracies and in post-communist countries. Considering the differences between the western frozen party systems and the eastern unfrozen party systems, we propose a framework of analysis based on the theoretical and conceptual linkage between genetic approach and spatial theories of competition, identified in the normative component of a cleavage. At first, we propose some operational criteria to distinguish the dimensions of competition from the dimensions of identification through the use of the manifesto project surveys. Then, through the data of an expert survey and of some recent electoral mass surveys, we empirically test a set of propositions concerning, on the one hand, the congruence between party policy positions and party-voters policy positions and, on the other hand, the level of correlation between parties positions on different issue dimensions and their placement on the left-right axis.

Cosmological perturbations in generalized theories of gravity

The first part of the thesis concerns the study of inflation in the context of a theory of gravity called "Induced Gravity" in which the gravitational coupling varies in time according to the dynamics of the very same scalar field (the "inflaton") driving inflation, while taking on the value measured today since the end of inflation. Through the analytical and numerical analysis of scalar and tensor cosmological perturbations we show that the model leads to consistent predictions for a broad variety of symmetry-breaking inflaton's potentials, once that a dimensionless parameter entering into the action is properly constrained. We also discuss the average expansion of the Universe after inflation (when the inflaton undergoes coherent oscillations about the minimum of its potential) and determine the effective equation of state. Finally, we analyze the resonant and perturbative decay of the inflaton during (p)reheating. The second part is devoted to the study of a proposal for a quantum theory of gravity dubbed "Horava-Lifshitz (HL) Gravity" which relies on power-counting renormalizability while explicitly breaking Lorentz invariance. We test a pair of variants of the theory ("projectable" and "non-projectable") on a cosmological background and with the inclusion of scalar field matter. By inspecting the quadratic action for the linear scalar cosmological perturbations we determine the actual number of propagating degrees of freedom and realize that the theory, being endowed with less symmetries than General Relativity, does admit an extra gravitational degree of freedom which is potentially unstable. More specifically, we conclude that in the case of projectable HL Gravity the extra mode is either a ghost or a tachyon, whereas in the case of non-projectable HL Gravity the extra mode can be made well-behaved for suitable choices of a pair of free dimensionless parameters and, moreover, turns out to decouple from the low-energy Physics.

La concezione epistemica dell'analiticità: un dibattito in corso

Il lavoro è una riflessione sugli sviluppi della nozione di definizione nel recente dibattito sull'analiticità. La rinascita di questa discussione, dopo le critiche di Quine e un conseguente primo abbandono della concezione convenzionalista carnapiana ha come conseguenza una nuova concezione epistemica dell'analiticità. Nella maggior parte dei casi le nuove teorie epistemiche, tra le quali quelle di Bob Hale e Crispin Wright (Implicit Definition and the A priori, 2001) e Paul Boghossian (Analyticity, 1997; Epistemic analyticity, a defence, 2002, Blind reasoning, 2003, Is Meaning Normative ?, 2005) presentano il comune carattere di intendere la conoscenza a priori nella forma di una definizione implicita (Paul Horwich, Stipulation, Meaning, and Apriority, 2001). Ma una seconda linea di obiezioni facenti capo dapprima a Horwich, e in seguito agli stessi Hale e Wright, mettono in evidenza rispettivamente due difficoltà per la definizione corrispondenti alle questioni dell'arroganza epistemica e dell'accettazione (o della stipulazione) di una definizione implicita. Da questo presupposto nascono diversi tentativi di risposta. Da un lato, una concezione della definizione, nella teoria di Hale e Wright, secondo la quale essa appare come un principio di astrazione, dall'altro una nozione della definizione come definizione implicita, che si richiama alla concezione di P. Boghossian. In quest'ultima, la definizione implicita è data nella forma di un condizionale linguistico (EA, 2002; BR, 2003), ottenuto mediante una fattorizzazione della teoria costruita sul modello carnapiano per i termini teorici delle teorie empiriche. Un'analisi attenta del lavoro di Rudolf Carnap (Philosophical foundations of Physics, 1966), mostra che la strategia di scomposizione rappresenta una strada possibile per una nozione di analiticità adeguata ai termini teorici. La strategia carnapiana si colloca, infatti, nell'ambito di un tentativo di elaborazione di una nozione di analiticità che tiene conto degli aspetti induttivi delle teorie empiriche

Travi in parete sottile con deformabilità a taglio e distorsione di sezione: formulazione teorica, modellazione numerica e applicazioni

Il presente lavoro di tesi ha riguardato una riformulazione teorica, una modellazione numerica e una serie di applicazioni della Generalized Beam Theory per lo studio dei profili in parete sottile con particolare riguardo ai profili in acciaio formati a freddo. In particolare, in questo lavoro è proposta una riscrittura della cinematica GBT che introduce in una forma originale la deformabilità a taglio della sezione. Tale formulazione consente di conservare il formato della GBT classica e introducendo uno spostamento di warping variabile lungo lo spessore della generica parete della sezione trasversale, garantisce perfetta coerenza tra la componente flessionale e tagliante della trave. E' mostrato, come tale riscrittura consente in maniera agevole di ricondursi alle teorie classiche di trave, anche deformabili a taglio. Inoltre, in tale contesto, è stata messa a punto una procedura di ricostruzione dello sforzo tridimensionale in grado ricostruire la parte reattiva delle componenti di tensioni dovuta al vincolamento interno proprio di un modello a cinematica ridotta. Sulla base di tali strumenti, è stato quindi proposto un approccio progettuale dedicato ai profili in classe 4, definito ESA (Embedded Stability Analysis), in grado di svolgere le verifiche coerentemente con quanto prescritto dalle normative vigenti. Viene infine presentata una procedura numerica per la progettazione di sistemi di copertura formati a freddo. Tale procedura permette di effettuare in pochi semplici passi il progetto dell'arcareccio e dei dettagli costruttivi relativi alla copertura.

Capacita' e formazione nel liberalismo di Amartya Sen e Martha Nussbaum. Eredita' differenti del pensiero politico per una "cittadinanza del mondo"

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l’analisi dell’evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell’approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell’economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell’Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell’approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la “chiave di volta” per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l’emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell’ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell’evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell’approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l’essenzialismo nell’interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. “valori asiatici”) attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e “parallela”) altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali.