Gandhi nell'Atlantico Nero: geografie, movimenti, concetti

Questo lavoro ricostruisce l'uso strategico di Gandhi come “significante” nel pensiero politico dell'Atlantico Nero, nella lotta contro la supremazia bianca e nei processi di decolonizzazione. Le pratiche discorsive che hanno stretto alleanze metaforiche con il movimento gandhiano sono evidenziate come un mezzo con cui il discorso politico nero attraversa la linea di separazione tra metropoli e colonie, e sovverte la costruzione spaziale della modernità. L’analisi spazia dall'indomani della Prima guerra mondiale alla seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Questa parte di Secolo breve fu caratterizzata dalle due guerre mondiali, dalla Lega contro l'imperialismo e dai congressi panafricani - importanti punti di svolta che consolidarono la consapevolezza di un'esperienza comune di oppressione e sfruttamento razziale. La ricerca si concentra sui circuiti e movimenti editoriali e associativi, come i congressi panafricani (1919-1945), il movimento “New Negro”, l’UNIA di Marcus Garvey, il sindacalismo nero e i movimenti di liberazione africani - in particolare la Positive Action in Ghana, il movimento zikista in Nigeria e la Defiance Campaign in Sud Africa. Nel complesso quadro di gerarchie e idiosincrasie dell'Atlantico Nero, gli scarti semantici dell'uso di Gandhi come tropo politico sono connessi con diverse prospettive e visioni di solidarietà.

Tools and methods for the quality assurance of force platforms in human movement analysis

The human movement analysis (HMA) aims to measure the abilities of a subject to stand or to walk. In the field of HMA, tests are daily performed in research laboratories, hospitals and clinics, aiming to diagnose a disease, distinguish between disease entities, monitor the progress of a treatment and predict the outcome of an intervention [Brand and Crowninshield, 1981; Brand, 1987; Baker, 2006]. To achieve these purposes, clinicians and researchers use measurement devices, like force platforms, stereophotogrammetric systems, accelerometers, baropodometric insoles, etc. This thesis focus on the force platform (FP) and in particular on the quality assessment of the FP data. The principal objective of our work was the design and the experimental validation of a portable system for the in situ calibration of FPs. The thesis is structured as follows: Chapter 1. Description of the physical principles used for the functioning of a FP: how these principles are used to create force transducers, such as strain gauges and piezoelectrics transducers. Then, description of the two category of FPs, three- and six-component, the signals acquisition (hardware structure), and the signals calibration. Finally, a brief description of the use of FPs in HMA, for balance or gait analysis. Chapter 2. Description of the inverse dynamics, the most common method used in the field of HMA. This method uses the signals measured by a FP to estimate kinetic quantities, such as joint forces and moments. The measures of these variables can not be taken directly, unless very invasive techniques; consequently these variables can only be estimated using indirect techniques, as the inverse dynamics. Finally, a brief description of the sources of error, present in the gait analysis. Chapter 3. State of the art in the FP calibration. The selected literature is divided in sections, each section describes: systems for the periodic control of the FP accuracy; systems for the error reduction in the FP signals; systems and procedures for the construction of a FP. In particular is detailed described a calibration system designed by our group, based on the theoretical method proposed by ?. This system was the “starting point” for the new system presented in this thesis. Chapter 4. Description of the new system, divided in its parts: 1) the algorithm; 2) the device; and 3) the calibration procedure, for the correct performing of the calibration process. The algorithm characteristics were optimized by a simulation approach, the results are here presented. In addiction, the different versions of the device are described. Chapter 5. Experimental validation of the new system, achieved by testing it on 4 commercial FPs. The effectiveness of the calibration was verified by measuring, before and after calibration, the accuracy of the FPs in measuring the center of pressure of an applied force. The new system can estimate local and global calibration matrices; by local and global calibration matrices, the non–linearity of the FPs was quantified and locally compensated. Further, a non–linear calibration is proposed. This calibration compensates the non– linear effect in the FP functioning, due to the bending of its upper plate. The experimental results are presented. Chapter 6. Influence of the FP calibration on the estimation of kinetic quantities, with the inverse dynamics approach. Chapter 7. The conclusions of this thesis are presented: need of a calibration of FPs and consequential enhancement in the kinetic data quality. Appendix: Calibration of the LC used in the presented system. Different calibration set–up of a 3D force transducer are presented, and is proposed the optimal set–up, with particular attention to the compensation of non–linearities. The optimal set–up is verified by experimental results.

Tra pacifismo e ambientalismo: il Nuclear Freeze Movement e la risposta dell'amministrazione Reagan

Negli anni Ottanta si assiste tanto nel vecchio quanto nel nuovo continente alla rinascita del movimento antinucleare. Mentre in Europa l’origine di questa ondata di proteste antinucleari è collegata alla “doppia decisione” NATO del 1979, negli Stati Uniti la genesi si colloca nel contesto dalla mobilitazione dei gruppi ambientalisti in seguito all’incidente alla centrale nucleare di Three Mile Island. Dopo l’elezione di Ronald Reagan, alle proteste contro le applicazioni pacifiche dell’atomo si affiancarono quelle contro la politica nucleare del Paese. La retorica di Reagan, il massiccio piano di riarmo, unitamente al rinnovato deteriorarsi delle relazioni tra USA e URSS contribuirono a diffondere nell’opinione pubblica la sensazione che l’amministrazione Reagan, almeno da un punto di vista teorico, non avesse escluso dalle sue opzioni il ricorso alle armi nucleari nel caso di un confronto con l’URSS. I timori legati a questa percezione produssero una nuova ondata di proteste che assunsero dimensioni di massa grazie alla mobilitazione provocata dalla Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC). Il target della NWFC era l’ampio programma di riarmo nucleare sostenuto da Reagan, che secondo gli attivisti nucleari, in un quadro di crescenti tensioni internazionali, avrebbe fatto aumentare le possibilità di uno scontro atomico. Per evitare lo scenario dell’olocausto nucleare, la NWFC proponeva «un congelamento bilaterale e verificabile del collaudo, dell’installazione e della produzione di armi nucleari». L’idea del nuclear freeze, che era concepito come un passo per fermare la spirale del riarmo e tentare successivamente di negoziare riduzioni negli arsenali delle due superpotenze, riscosse un tale consenso nell’opinione pubblica americana da indurre l’amministrazione Reagan a formulare una risposta specifica. Durante la primavera del 1982 fu, infatti, creato un gruppo interdipartimentale ad hoc, l’Arms Control Information Policy Group, con il compito di arginare l’influenza della NWFC sull’opinione pubblica americana e formulare una risposta coerente alle critiche del movimento antinucleare.

A double chance to investigate populist influence: The Five Star Movement.

In the last decade, new kinds of European populist parties and movements characterized by a left wing, right wing or “eclectic” attitude have succeeded in entering in governments where they could exert a direct populist influence on their coalition partners or, conversely, become victims themselves of the influence of the institutional background. Such a scenario brought this research to formulate two questions: (i) “To what extent did populist parties succeed in influencing their government coalition partners, leading them to adopt populist rhetoric and change their policy positions?” and (ii) “Have populist parties been able to retain their populist “outside mainstream politics” identity, or have they been assimilated to mainstream parties?”. As a case study this project chose the Italian Five Star Movement. Since 2018 this eclectic populist actor has experienced three different governments first with the radical right wing populist League (2018-2019) and then with the mainstream center left Democratic Party (2019-2021). In addition to this, currently the Five Star Movement is a coalition partner of the ongoing Draghi’s government. Theoretically based on the ideological definition of populism (Mudde, 2004), on a new “revised” model of the inclusionary - exclusionary framework to classify populist parties and on a novel definition of “populist influence”,this research made use of both quantitative (bidimensional and text analysis) and qualitative methods (semi-structured interviews) and mainly focuses on the years 2017- 2020.The importance of this study is threefold. First it contributes to the study of populist influence in government in relation to the ideological attachment of the political actors involved. Second, it contributes to understand if populists in power necessarily need to tone down their anti-system character in order to survive. Third, this study introduces conceptual and methodological novelties within the study of populism and populist influence in government.