Labour, LGBT* rights, and Europe. Discourses in Italy and Serbia

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.

Sinistra extraparlamentare e Partito comunista in italia 1968-1976

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d’archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l’esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l’esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l’unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario».

A double chance to investigate populist influence: The Five Star Movement.

In the last decade, new kinds of European populist parties and movements characterized by a left wing, right wing or “eclectic” attitude have succeeded in entering in governments where they could exert a direct populist influence on their coalition partners or, conversely, become victims themselves of the influence of the institutional background. Such a scenario brought this research to formulate two questions: (i) “To what extent did populist parties succeed in influencing their government coalition partners, leading them to adopt populist rhetoric and change their policy positions?” and (ii) “Have populist parties been able to retain their populist “outside mainstream politics” identity, or have they been assimilated to mainstream parties?”. As a case study this project chose the Italian Five Star Movement. Since 2018 this eclectic populist actor has experienced three different governments first with the radical right wing populist League (2018-2019) and then with the mainstream center left Democratic Party (2019-2021). In addition to this, currently the Five Star Movement is a coalition partner of the ongoing Draghi’s government. Theoretically based on the ideological definition of populism (Mudde, 2004), on a new “revised” model of the inclusionary - exclusionary framework to classify populist parties and on a novel definition of “populist influence”,this research made use of both quantitative (bidimensional and text analysis) and qualitative methods (semi-structured interviews) and mainly focuses on the years 2017- 2020.The importance of this study is threefold. First it contributes to the study of populist influence in government in relation to the ideological attachment of the political actors involved. Second, it contributes to understand if populists in power necessarily need to tone down their anti-system character in order to survive. Third, this study introduces conceptual and methodological novelties within the study of populism and populist influence in government.

The language of others mirrored in thy face: The role of political affiliation in automatic facial effects of language

People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.

Il discorso politico culturale del Deutscher Geist in Gefahr di Ernst Robert Curtius

Nel 1932 Ernst Robert Curtius pubblica il pamphlet politico culturale Deutscher Geist in Gefahr nel quale chiarisce il suo pensiero di fronte alla grave crisi in cui versa la Germania. Egli si schiera contro le posizioni di destra del suo tempo, delle quali critica apertamente la boria nazionalista, il rozzo antisemitismo e la creazione di un mito nazionale elaborato come strumento di manipolazione dell’opinione pubblica. Ritiene inoltre inaccettabili le posizioni rivoluzionarie, tanto di destra quanto di sinistra, che vogliono liberarsi della tradizione umanistica europea e disprezzano la Zivilisation francese; allo stesso modo rifiuta l’ideale di un germanesimo eroico avulso dalla storia europea e respinge infine tutte le forme di nichilismo che si risolvono in un atteggiamento di indifferenza nei confronti della realtà, dei valori e della storia. Curtius accetta il sistema democratico come unica soluzione e ritiene che le decisioni politiche debbano mirare al bene di tutti i ceti sociali indipendentemente dagli interessi di partiti e di singoli gruppi. Rifiuta qualunque forma, anche culturale, di supremazia della Germania, aspira a un’Europa cosmopolita, le cui nazioni siano valorizzate nelle loro caratteristiche specifiche, ed è convinto che per la costruzione della pace gli europei debbano vivere, studiare e lavorare insieme imparando gli uni le lingue degli altri. Per Curtius l’Umanesimo della tradizione classica e la letteratura del Medioevo sono parte integrante della vita di ogni europeo e fonte di energie spirituali per affrontare in modo creativo il presente e il futuro.

A simple voltage/mass index increases the suspicion of amyloidotic cardiomyopathy: an electrocardiographic and echocardiographic study of 767 patients with increased left ventricular wall thickness due to different causes

Background-Amyloidotic cardiomyopathy (AC) can mimic true left ventricular hypertrophy (LVH), including hypertrophic cardiomyopathy (HCM) and hypertensive heart disease (HHD). We assessed the diagnostic value of combined electrocardiographic/echocardiographic indexes to identify AC among patients with increased echocardiographic LV wall thickness due to either different etiologies of amyloidosis or HCM or HHD. Method-First, we studied 469 consecutive patients: 262 with biopsy/genetically proven AC (with either AL or transthyretin (TTR)-related amyloidosis); 106 with HCM; 101 with HHD. We compared the diagnostic performance of: low QRS voltage, symmetric LVH, low QRS voltage plus interventricular septal thickness >1.98 cm, Sokolow index divided by the cross-sectional area of LV wall, Sokolow index divided by body surface area indexed LV mass (LVMI), Sokolow index divided by LV wall thickness, Sokolow index divided by (LV wall/height^2.7); peripheral QRS score divided by LVMI, Peripheral QRS score divided by LV wall thickness, Peripheral QRS score divided by LV wall thickness indexed to height^2.7, total QRS score divided by LVMI, total QRS score divided by LV wall thickness; total QRS score divided by (LV wall/height^2.7). We tested each criterion, separately in males and females, in the following settings: AC vs. HCM+HHD; AC vs. HCM; AL vs. HCM+HHD; AL vs. HCM; TTR vs. HCM+HHD; TTR vs. HCM. Results-Low QRS voltage showed high specificity but low sensitivity for the identification of AC. All the combined indexes had a higher diagnostic accuracy, being total QRS score divided by LV wall thickness or by LVMI associated with the best performances and the largest areas under the ROC curve. These results were validated in 298 consecutive patients with AC, HCM or HHD. Conclusions-In patients with increased LV wall thickness, a combined ECG/ echocardiogram analysis provides accurate indexes to non-invasively identify AC. Total QRS score divided by LVMI or LV wall thickness offers the best diagnostic performance.

Relationship between aetiology and left ventricular systolic dysfunction in hypertrophic cardiomyopathy

Background: Hypertrophic cardiomyopathy (HCM) is a common cardiac disease caused by a range of genetic and acquired disorders. The most common cause is genetic variation in sarcomeric proteins genes. Current ESC guidelines suggest that particular clinical features (‘red flags’) assist in differential diagnosis. Aims: To test the hypothesis that left ventricular (LV) systolic dysfunction in the presence of increased wall thickness is an age-specific ‘red flag’ for aetiological diagnosis and to determine long-term outcomes in adult patients with various types of HCM. Methods: A cohort of 1697 adult patients with HCM followed at two European referral centres were studied. Aetiological diagnosis was based on clinical examination, cardiac imaging and targeted genetic and biochemical testing. Main outcomes were: all-cause mortality or heart transplantation (HTx) and heart failure (HF) related-death. All-cause mortality included sudden cardiac death or equivalents, HF and stroke-related death and non-cardiovascular death. Results: Prevalence of different aetiologies was as follows: sarcomeric HCM 1288 (76%); AL amyloidosis 115 (7%), hereditary TTR amyloidosis 86 (5%), Anderson-Fabry disease 85 (5%), wild-type TTR amyloidosis 48 (3%), Noonan syndrome 15 (0.9%), mitochondrial disease 23 (1%), Friedreich’s ataxia 11 (0.6%), glycogen storage disease 16 (0.9%), LEOPARD syndrome 7 (0.4%), FHL1 2 (0.1%) and CPT II deficiency 1 (0.1%). Systolic dysfunction at first evaluation was significantly more frequent in phenocopies than sarcomeric HCM [105/409 (26%) versus 40/1288 (3%), (p<0.0001)]. All-cause mortality/HTx and HF-related death were higher in phenocopies compared to sarcomeric HCM (p<0.001, respectively). When considering specific aetiologies, all-cause mortality and HF-related death were higher in cardiac amyloidosis (p<0.001, respectively). Conclusion: Systolic dysfunction at first evaluation is more common in phenocopies compared to sarcomeric HCM representing an age-specific ‘red flag’ for differential diagnosis. Long-term prognosis was more severe in phenocopies compared to sarcomeric HCM and when comparing specific aetiologies, cardiac amyloidosis showed the worse outcomes.