6 resultados para Kenya--Social conditions--1963-

em AMS Tesi di Dottorato - Alm@DL - Università di Bologna


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The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

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Questa ricerca si pone come obbiettivo lo studio e l’analisi delle diverse manifestazioni del gioco d’azzardo nella Bologna della fine del XIX secolo. Partendo dall’assunto che le forme ludiche non rappresentino solo una pratica, né soltanto un fatto sociale o economico ma sono piuttosto la somma di diverse componenti, ci si è proposti di studiare la storia a partire da uno specifico punto di vista: quello dei giochi e dei giocatori legati alle pratiche del rischio. Tramite le carte d’archivio della polizia e altri documenti dell’epoca si sono indagati i diversi aspetti del fenomeno dell’azzardo: i luoghi in cui essi venivano praticati, le norme che li regolavano, gli strati sociali entro cui venivano giocati, le mutazioni delle condizioni politiche e sociali che portarono al cambiamento delle diverse forme ludiche e delle comunità che lo hanno praticato e contestualmente si è cercato di comprendere come cambino e come permangano la percezione del rischio, l’idea di competizione, la stessa attitudine al gioco.

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Attraverso uno studio di caso, centrato su Marie-Anne Paulze-Lavoisier (1758-1836), la tesi tratta di pratiche legate all’annotazione e, più in generale, alla registrazione di informazioni su supporti cartacei tra gli anni ’70 del Settecento e gli anni ‘30 dell’Ottocento. Nota oggi come moglie e collaboratrice del chimico Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier (1743-1794), di cui avrebbe promosso le teorie attraverso un’attività di traduttrice e illustratrice, Paulze-Lavoisier è qui presentata nella veste di “secrétaire”, ossia di figura incaricata di mettere per iscritto osservazioni di varia natura. Ci si concentra, in particolare, sui Registres de laboratoire di Lavoisier, 14 quaderni petit in-folio a cui sono affidati i resoconti di esperimenti condotti a Parigi tra il 1772 e il 1788 e che rilevano in misura significativa della mano di lei. Oggetto finora di una storia del pensiero scientifico, interessata alle “idee” in essi contenute, i Registres sono da noi riletti alla luce di un approccio “materiale”, attento alle pratiche e alle condizioni della loro compilazione e del loro riutilizzo nel tempo. Si indagano quindi le funzioni di questi quaderni rispetto alla pratica sperimentale, ricostruendo al contempo i tratti e le evoluzioni del ruolo di segretaria affidato a Paulze-Lavoisier. Il focus su Paulze-Lavoisier permette da un lato a sollevare nuove domande in merito al rapporto tra scrittura delle note, genere e sociabilità ma anche, ad un altro livello, alla cosiddetta “invisibilità” degli assistenti; dall’altro offre la materia per una storia lunga dei Registres, che dai primi gesti in essi da lei operati agli inizi degli anni ’70 del Settecento arriva fino alle manipolazioni a cui sono sottoposti, per sua volontà, nei primi decenni dell’Ottocento.

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The aim of this proposal is to offer an alternative perspective on the study of Cold War, since insufficient attention is usually paid to those organizations that mobilized against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons. The antinuclear movement began to mobilize between the 1950s and the 1960s, when it finally gained the attention of public opinion, and helped to build a sort of global conscience about nuclear bombs. This was due to the activism of a significant part of the international scientific community, which offered powerful intellectual and political legitimization to the struggle, and to the combined actions of the scientific and organized protests. This antinuclear conscience is something we usually tend to consider as a fait accompli in contemporary world, but the question is to show its roots, and the way it influenced statesmen and political choices during the period of nuclear confrontation of the early Cold War. To understand what this conscience could be and how it should be defined, we have to look at the very meaning of the nuclear weapons that has deeply modified the sense of war. Nuclear weapons seemed to be able to destroy human beings everywhere with no realistic forms of control of the damages they could set off, and they represented the last resource in the wide range of means of mass destruction. Even if we tend to consider this idea fully rational and incontrovertible, it was not immediately born with the birth of nuclear weapons themselves. Or, better, not everyone in the world did immediately share it. Due to the particular climate of Cold War confrontation, deeply influenced by the persistence of realistic paradigms in international relations, British and U.S. governments looked at nuclear weapons simply as «a bullet». From the Trinity Test to the signature of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, many things happened that helped to shift this view upon nuclear weapons. First of all, more than ten years of scientific protests provided a more concerned knowledge about consequences of nuclear tests and about the use of nuclear weapons. Many scientists devoted their social activities to inform public opinion and policy-makers about the real significance of the power of the atom and the related danger for human beings. Secondly, some public figures, as physicists, philosophers, biologists, chemists, and so on, appealed directly to the human community to «leave the folly and face reality», publicly sponsoring the antinuclear conscience. Then, several organizations leaded by political, religious or radical individuals gave to this protests a formal structure. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in Great Britain, as well as the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy in the U.S., represented the voice of the masses against the attempts of governments to present nuclear arsenals as a fundamental part of the international equilibrium. Therefore, the antinuclear conscience could be defined as an opposite feeling to the development and the use of nuclear weapons, able to create a political issue oriented to the influence of military and foreign policies. Only taking into consideration the strength of this pressure, it seems possible to understand not only the beginning of nuclear negotiations, but also the reasons that permitted Cold War to remain cold.

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Analysts, politicians and international players from all over the world look at China as one of the most powerful countries on the international scenario, and as a country whose economic development can significantly impact on the economies of the rest of the world. However many aspects of this country have still to be investigated. First the still fundamental role played by Chinese rural areas for the general development of the country from a political, economic and social point of view. In particular, the way in which the rural areas have influenced the social stability of the whole country has been widely discussed due to their strict relationship with the urban areas where most people from the countryside emigrate searching for a job and a better life. In recent years many studies have mostly focused on the urbanization phenomenon with little interest in the living conditions in rural areas and in the deep changes which have occurred in some, mainly agricultural provinces. An analysis of the level of infrastructure is one of the main aspects which highlights the principal differences in terms of living conditions between rural and urban areas. In this thesis, I first carried out the analysis through the multivariate statistics approach (Principal Component Analysis and Cluster Analysis) in order to define the new map of rural areas based on the analysis of living conditions. In the second part I elaborated an index (Living Conditions Index) through the Fuzzy Expert/Inference System. Finally I compared this index (LCI) to the results obtained from the cluster analysis drawing geographic maps. The data source is the second national agricultural census of China carried out in 2006. In particular, I analysed the data refer to villages but aggregated at province level.

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L’obiettivo del presente progetto di ricerca era determinare se l’utilizzo non clinico del simulatore d’alba (un dispositivo che emette luce in graduale aumento prima del risveglio), basato su specifiche conoscenze cronobiologiche, potesse ridurre alcune delle conseguenze del social jetlag, in studenti di scuola secondaria di secondo grado. A tal fine, sono stati valutati gli effetti del simulatore d’alba su tono dell’umore (valutato soggettivamente tramite la Global and Vigor Affect Scale-GVA), livelli di attivazione (valutati soggettivamente tramite la GVA), qualità/quantità di sonno (valutate oggettivamente e soggettivamente tramite attigrafia e Mini Sleep Questionnaire-MSQ), architettura del sonno (valutata oggettivamente tramite Zeo®) ed efficienza dei tre network attentivi (alerting, orienting ed executive), valutata oggettivamente tramite l’Attention Network Test (ANT). In totale, hanno preso parte alla ricerca 56 adolescenti (24 femmine e 32 maschi), frequentanti due istituti di scuola secondaria di secondo grado nella città di Cesena, la cui età media era di 17.68 anni (range d’età 15-20 anni). Ad ogni studente è stata richiesta una partecipazione di 5 settimane consecutive ed il disegno di ricerca prevedeva 3 condizioni sperimentali: baseline, simulatore d’alba e controllo. All’MSQ, in seguito all’utilizzo del simulatore d’alba, sono state osservate una minore percezione di sonnolenza diurna, una frequenza inferiore di risvegli notturni ed una riduzione del numero di partecipanti che presentavano una cattiva qualità della veglia. All’ANT, è stato documentato un significativo miglioramento dell’efficienza del network attentivo dell’alerting, successivo all’impiego del simulatore d’alba, dovuto ad una maggiore reattività dei partecipanti in seguito alla comparsa del double cue, che anticipava la presentazione del target (freccia centrale di cui i partecipanti dovevano giudicare la direzione). Tali risultati convergono nell’evidenziare la capacità del simulatore d’alba di esercitare un effetto attivante/stimolante, mostrando dunque come esso possa essere considerato uno strumento potenzialmente utilizzabile quale contromisura al social jetlag in adolescenza.