La base e il vertice. Uno studio sul Pci in Emilia-Romagna negli anni del compromesso storico (1972-1979)

La ricerca analizza la relazione che intercorre tra la linea politica del Pci e il modo in cui tale linea viene interpretata dalla base del partito in Emilia-Romagna negli anni Settanta.

La dialettica centro-periferia nella formazione e selezione della classe dirigente comunista. Il caso della Toscana (1945-1991)

Il problema storico che è al centro di questo progetto di ricerca può essere così riassunto: in che modo viene selezionata la classe dirigente comunista nell’Italia repubblicana? Ovvero, detto in altri termini, in che misura le nomine dipendevano dal centro, per cooptazione, secondo la tradizione del modello di partito centralizzato, e quanto, invece, costituivano una ratifica alta di processi di selezione che si sviluppavano in periferia? Quanto contava, insomma, l’aver avuto lo scettro del comando nei territori di provenienza per ricoprire incarichi direttivi nel partito a livello nazionale? La nostra ricerca vuole quindi verificare la validità di alcuni paradigmi interpretativi, scaturiti da un’analisi complessiva della politica comunista, prendendo in esame un caso di studio locale, quello di una regione «rossa» per antonomasia come la Toscana. Tenendo conto, contestualmente, della realtà nazionale e di quella locale, cercheremo di analizzare, le ricadute che processi di portata nazionale ebbero sulla realtà locale, e in particolare, sulle modalità che regolavano la selezione della classe dirigente, dando alla ricerca un taglio prosopografico.

Centro-sinistra e autonomia speciale. La DC trentina tra il 1955 e il 1968

La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse “storie” di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d’avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell’alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d’Italia.

Sinistra extraparlamentare e Partito comunista in italia 1968-1976

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d’archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l’esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l’esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l’unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario».

"Un libro per ogni compagno". Case editrici e politiche per la lettura del partito comunista italiano (1944-1956)

Anche se la politica editoriale comunista rappresenta un campo di indagine fondamentale nella ricerca sul Pci, la sua attività editoriale è caduta in un oblio storico. Assumendo il libro come supporto materiale e veicolo della cultura politica comunista, e la casa editrice come canale di socializzazione, questa ricerca s’interroga sui suoi processi di costruzione e di diffusione. La ricerca si muove in due direzioni. Nel primo capitolo si è tentato di dare conto delle ragioni metodologiche dell’indagine e della messa a punto delle ipotesi di ricerca sul “partito editore”, raccogliendo alcune sfide poste alla storia politica da altri ambiti disciplinari, come la sociologia e la scienza politica, che rappresentano una vena feconda per la nostra indagine. La seconda direzione, empirica, ha riguardato la ricognizione delle fonti e degli strumenti di analisi per ricostruire le vicende del “partito editore” dal 1944 al 1956. La suddivisione della ricerca in due parti – 1944-1947 e 1947-1956 – segue a grandi linee la periodizzazione classica individuata dalla storiografia sulla politica culturale del Pci, ed è costruita su quattro fratture storiche – il 1944, con la “svolta di Salerno”; il 1947, con la “svolta cominformista”; il 1953, con la morte di Stalin e il disgelo; il 1956, con il XX Congresso e i fatti d’Ungheria – che sono risultate significative anche per la nostra ricerca sull’editoria comunista. Infine, il presente lavoro si basa su tre livelli di analisi: l’individuazione dei meccanismi di decisione politica e dell’organizzazione assunta dall’editoria comunista, esaminando gli scopi e i mutamenti organizzativi interni al partito per capire come i mutamenti strategici e tattici si sono riflessi sull’attività editoriale; la ricostruzione della produzione editoriale comunista; infine, l’identificazione dei processi di distribuzione e delle politiche per la lettura promosse dal Pci.

Mapping socialist solidarities: SWAPO, the Namibian liberation struggle, and the Global Cold War

This thesis addresses the entanglements between the Namibian liberation struggle and the global Cold War, focusing on the socialist support provided to the South West African People Organization (SWAPO), the liberation movement that fought for the independence of the country from the South African regime. This thesis aims at analyzing three socialist models of solidarity with the SWAPO’s struggle that developed especially from the late 1970s. Combining archival sources and biographical accounts, it examines the politics of solidarity with SWAPO implemented by East Germany, Cuba, and the Italian Communist Party. The interest lies in understanding how solidarity was declined and received by internal promoters and external addressees. Thus, I explore how these three actors constructed their concept of solidarity with SWAPO according to their national and ideological contexts and how this was received by the SWAPO members who experienced it in various ways. Each socialist actor promoted solidarity with SWAPO by using varying narratives, pursuing their own objectives, and employing diverse instruments, thus carrying out different and sometimes competing visions of socialism and solidarity. On its side, SWAPO was able to take advantage from such visions, as each of them could serve its different needs in diverse ways. In providing a general overview of these three solidarity policies, this thesis has the objective of highlighting the internal pluralization of the “socialist solidarity regime” while at the same time contributing to the debate on the extent of SWAPO’s commitment to socialism during the Namibian liberation struggle. It argues that, while pragmatism has always guided SWAPO during the liberation struggle and the post-independence period, and non-alignment has always been its international stance, socialism has to some extent been a model for the revolution in Namibia, to the point that it is still influencing the SWAPO party today.

Riccardo Lombardi nel socialismo italiano (1947-1964)

Il primo capitolo della tesi verte sull’ultimo anno di vita del Partito d’Azione, sulle modalità di partecipazione di Lombardi allo scontro elettorale del 1948 nelle liste del Fronte democratico popolare, e sul breve periodo di direzione ‘centrista’ del Psi a cavallo tra il 1948 e il 1949, quando Lombardi, appena entratovi, fu magna pars nel gruppo dirigente del partito. Il secondo capitolo abbraccia il periodo in cui Lombardi agì all’interno del Psi ‘morandiano’, o frontista: si è cercato di dare ragione sia dell’inserimento di Lombardi nelle logiche del frontismo socialista, sia della peculiarità di quell’inserimento negli ambiti privilegiati della politica economica e della politica estera. Oggetto del terzo capitolo è il ruolo giocato da Lombardi nella definizione delle linee guida dell’autonomismo socialista, un ruolo fattosi via via più pregnante a partire dal 1956, che ebbe la sua massima consacrazione col XXXIV Congresso del Psi, celebrato a Milano nel 1961: centrale in questo periodo la riflessione lombardiana sulle «riforme di struttura», un argomento che ci si è sforzati di inquadrare storicamente, sfuggendo dai luoghi comuni storiografici di cui spesso – con lodevoli eccezioni – è caduto vittima. Tali «riforme di struttura» Lombardi avrebbe voluto alla base dei governi di centro-sinistra. La tesi si chiude con un ultimo capitolo dedicato ad illustrare l’apporto di Lombardi al quarto Governo Fanfani e al primo Governo Moro, il ruolo da lui giocato nella loro nascita e il suo progressivo allontanamento da quell’esperimento che era stato, in gran parte, sua creatura.

Cattolici e liberali dall'antifascismo alla seconda guerra mondiale (1925-1943)

Il quadro tematico della tesi è la storia politica e culturale delle relazioni tra il cattolicesimo democratico di origine «popolare» e la tradizione del liberalismo italiano, in un arco cronologico compreso tra l’antifascismo dell’Aventino e la fondazione della Democrazia Cristiana. L’ipotesi della ricerca è che proprio in questo «lungo viaggio» la classe dirigente del cattolicesimo politico (a cominciare dalla leadership di Alcide De Gasperi) abbia completato quel processo di acculturazione in senso «liberale» che le avrebbe consentito di guidare consensualmente l’uscita dal fascismo nel secondo dopoguerra.

An assessment of the business value of traceability practices in the italian fishery processing industry

Traceability is often perceived by food industry executives as an additional cost of doing business, one to be avoided if possible. However, a traceability system can in fact comply the regulatory requirements, increase food safety and recall performance, improving marketing performances and, as well as, improving supply chain management. Thus, traceability affects business performances of firms in terms of costs and benefits determined by traceability practices. Costs and benefits affect factors such as, firms’ characteristics, level of traceability and ,lastly, costs and benefits perceived prior to traceability implementation. This thesis was undertaken to understand how these factors are linked to affect the outcome of costs and benefits. Analysis of the results of a plant level survey of the Italian ichthyic processing industry revealed that processors generally adopt various level of traceability while government support appears to increase the level of traceability and the expectations and actual costs and benefits. None of the firms’ characteristics, with the exception of government support, influences costs and level of traceability. Only size of firms and level of QMS certifications are linked with benefits while precision of traceability increases benefits without affecting costs. Finally, traceability practices appear due to the request from “external“ stakeholders such as government, authority and customers rather than “internal” factors (e.g. improving the firm management) while the traceability system does not provide any added value from the market in terms of price premium or market share increase.

Genomic characterization of the italian wolf (Canis lupus): the genes involved in black coat colour determination and application of microarray technique for snps detection.

This study provides a comprehensive genetic overview on the endangered Italian wolf population. In particular, it focuses on two research lines. On one hand, we focalised on melanism in wolf in order to isolate a mutation related with black coat colour in canids. With several reported black individuals (an exception at European level), the Italian wolf population constituted a challenging research field posing many unanswered questions. As found in North American wolf, we reported that melanism in the Italian population is caused by a different melanocortin pathway component, the K locus, in which a beta-defensin protein acts as an alternative ligand for the Mc1r. This research project was conducted in collaboration with Prof. Gregory Barsh, Department of Genetics and Paediatrics, Stanford University. On the other hand, we performed analysis on a high number of SNPs thanks to a customized Canine microarray useful to integrate or substitute the STR markers for genotyping individuals and detecting wolf-dog hybrids. Thanks to DNA microchip technology, we obtained an impressive amount of genetic data which provides a solid base for future functional genomic studies. This study was undertaken in collaboration with Prof. Robert K. Wayne, Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).

Politiche di sviluppo e questione etnica. La cooperazione italiana IN Bosnia Erzegovina

The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

The Integrated European Project "GEHA - GEnetics of Healthy Aging": recruitment, health status assessment and survival of the Italian 90+ sibpairs

The present study is part of the EU Integrated Project “GEHA – Genetics of Healthy Aging” (Franceschi C et al., Ann N Y Acad Sci. 1100: 21-45, 2007), whose aim is to identify genes involved in healthy aging and longevity, which allow individuals to survive to advanced age in good cognitive and physical function and in the absence of major age-related diseases. Aims The major aims of this thesis were the following: 1. to outline the recruitment procedure of 90+ Italian siblings performed by the recruiting units of the University of Bologna (UNIBO) and Rome (ISS). The procedures related to the following items necessary to perform the study were described and commented: identification of the eligible area for recruitment, demographic aspects related to the need of getting census lists of 90+siblings, mail and phone contact with 90+ subjects and their families, bioethics aspects of the whole procedure, standardization of the recruitment methodology and set-up of a detailed flow chart to be followed by the European recruitment centres (obtainment of the informed consent form, anonimization of data by using a special code, how to perform the interview, how to collect the blood, how to enter data in the GEHA Phenotypic Data Base hosted at Odense). 2. to provide an overview of the phenotypic characteristics of 90+ Italian siblings recruited by the recruiting units of the University of Bologna (UNIBO) and Rome (ISS). The following items were addressed: socio-demographic characteristics, health status, cognitive assessment, physical conditions (handgrip strength test, chair-stand test, physical ability including ADL, vision and hearing ability, movement ability and doing light housework), life-style information (smoking and drinking habits) and subjective well-being (attitude towards life). Moreover, haematological parameters collected in the 90+ sibpairs as optional parameters by the Bologna and Rome recruiting units were used for a more comprehensive evaluation of the results obtained using the above mentioned phenotypic characteristics reported in the GEHA questionnaire. 3. to assess 90+ Italian siblings as far as their health/functional status is concerned on the basis of three classification methods proposed in previous studies on centenarians, which are based on: • actual functional capabilities (ADL, SMMSE, visual and hearing abilities) (Gondo et al., J Gerontol. 61A (3): 305-310, 2006); • actual functional capabilities and morbidity (ADL, ability to walk, SMMSE, presence of cancer, ictus, renal failure, anaemia, and liver diseases) (Franceschi et al., Aging Clin Exp Res, 12:77-84, 2000); • retrospectively collected data about past history of morbidity and age of disease onset (hypertension, heart disease, diabetes, stroke, cancer, osteopororis, neurological diseases, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and ocular diseases) (Evert et al., J Gerontol A Biol Sci Med Sci. 58A (3): 232-237, 2003). Firstly these available models to define the health status of long-living subjects were applied to the sample and, since the classifications by Gondo and Franceschi are both based on the present functional status, they were compared in order to better recognize the healthy aging phenotype and to identify the best group of 90+ subjects out of the entire studied population. 4. to investigate the concordance of health and functional status among 90+ siblings in order to divide sibpairs in three categories: the best (both sibs are in good shape), the worst (both sibs are in bad shape) and an intermediate group (one sib is in good shape and the other is in bad shape). Moreover, the evaluation wanted to discover which variables are concordant among siblings; thus, concordant variables could be considered as familiar variables (determined by the environment or by genetics). 5. to perform a survival analysis by using mortality data at 1st January 2009 from the follow-up as the main outcome and selected functional and clinical parameters as explanatory variables. Methods A total of 765 90+ Italian subjects recruited by UNIBO (549 90+ siblings, belonging to 258 families) and ISS (216 90+ siblings, belonging to 106 families) recruiting units are included in the analysis. Each subject was interviewed according to a standardized questionnaire, comprising extensively utilized questions that have been validated in previous European studies on elderly subjects and covering demographic information, life style, living conditions, cognitive status (SMMSE), mood, health status and anthropometric measurements. Moreover, subjects were asked to perform some physical tests (Hand Grip Strength test and Chair Standing test) and a sample of about 24 mL of blood was collected and then processed according to a common protocol for the preparation and storage of DNA aliquots. Results From the analysis the main findings are the following: - a standardized protocol to assess cognitive status, physical performances and health status of European nonagenarian subjects was set up, in respect to ethical requirements, and it is available as a reference for other studies in this field; - GEHA families are enriched in long-living members and extreme survival, and represent an appropriate model for the identification of genes involved in healthy aging and longevity; - two simplified sets of criteria to classify 90+ sibling according to their health status were proposed, as operational tools for distinguishing healthy from non healthy subjects; - cognitive and functional parameters have a major role in categorizing 90+ siblings for the health status; - parameters such as education and good physical abilities (500 metres walking ability, going up and down the stairs ability, high scores at hand grip and chair stand tests) are associated with a good health status (defined as “cognitive unimpairment and absence of disability”); - male nonagenarians show a more homogeneous phenotype than females, and, though far fewer in number, tend to be healthier than females; - in males the good health status is not protective for survival, confirming the male-female health survival paradox; - survival after age 90 was dependent mainly on intact cognitive status and absence of functional disabilities; - haemoglobin and creatinine levels are both associated with longevity; - the most concordant items among 90+ siblings are related to the functional status, indicating that they contain a familiar component. It is still to be investigated at what level this familiar component is determined by genetics or by environment or by the interaction between genetics, environment and chance (and at what level). Conclusions In conclusion, we could state that this study, in accordance with the main objectives of the whole GEHA project, represents one of the first attempt to identify the biological and non biological determinants of successful/unsuccessful aging and longevity. Here, the analysis was performed on 90+ siblings recruited in Northern and Central Italy and it could be used as a reference for others studies in this field on Italian population. Moreover, it contributed to the definition of “successful” and “unsuccessful” aging and categorising a very large cohort of our most elderly subjects into “successful” and “unsuccessful” groups provided an unrivalled opportunity to detect some of the basic genetic/molecular mechanisms which underpin good health as opposed to chronic disability. Discoveries in the topic of the biological determinants of healthy aging represent a real possibility to identify new markers to be utilized for the identification of subgroups of old European citizens having a higher risk to develop age-related diseases and disabilities and to direct major preventive medicine strategies for the new epidemic of chronic disease in the 21st century.

Elettori e partiti nell'Europa contemporanea: Est ed Ovest a confronto

The research is focused on the origin and the structure of the European party systems in long-standing democracies and in post-communist countries. Considering the differences between the western frozen party systems and the eastern unfrozen party systems, we propose a framework of analysis based on the theoretical and conceptual linkage between genetic approach and spatial theories of competition, identified in the normative component of a cleavage. At first, we propose some operational criteria to distinguish the dimensions of competition from the dimensions of identification through the use of the manifesto project surveys. Then, through the data of an expert survey and of some recent electoral mass surveys, we empirically test a set of propositions concerning, on the one hand, the congruence between party policy positions and party-voters policy positions and, on the other hand, the level of correlation between parties positions on different issue dimensions and their placement on the left-right axis.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.