Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Nuovi catalizzatori per l'idrogenazione, l'idrogenolisi/ring-opening di composti aromatici policiclici

The removal of aromatic hydrocarbons from diesel has received considerable attention after environmental regulations that require petroleum refiners to raise cetane number and to limit aromatics in diesel fuel in order to improve combustion efficiency and reduce particulate and NOx emissions. An alternative is blending with Fischer–Tropsch (FT) gas-to-liquid diesel fuel; however, this option may not be economically viable solution in case of extensive blend. Another alternative is to incorporate in the diesel pool a greater fraction of the so-called light cycle oil (LCO). Due to its high aromatics content and its low cetane number (typically between 20 and 30), the incorporation of LCO may have a negative impact on the quality of diesel. Current technologies for LCO improvement are based on hydrogenation to adjust both sulphur and cetane number but while an important fraction of the aromatics present in LCO can be saturated in a deep hydrogenation process, the cetane number may still be lower than the target values specified in diesel legislations, so further upgrading is needed. An interesting technology for improving the cetane number of diesels and maintaining meanwhile high diesel yields is achieved by combining a complete hydrogenation process with a selective ring opening (SRO) reaction of the naphthenic rings. The SRO can be defined as naphthene ring-opening to form compounds with high cetane number, but without any carbon losses. Controlling the interconversion of six- and five- membered rings via an acid-catalyzed ring-contraction step is also of great importance, since selective conversion of six-membered to five-membered naphthene rings greatly influences ring-opening rates and selectivity. High intrinsic activity may be enhanced by deposition of noble metals on acidic, high surface area supports, because it is possible to arrange close proximity of the metal and acid sites. Moreover, in large-pore supports, the diffusion resistance of liquid reactants into the pores is minimized. In addition to metal centres, the acid sites of support also plays role in aromatics hydrogenation. However, the functions of different kinds of acid sites (Brønsted vs. Lewis acidity), and their optimal concentrations and strengths, remain unclear. In the present study we investigated the upgrading of an aromatic-rich feedstock over different type of metal supported on mesoporous silica-alumina. The selective hydrogenolysis and ring opening of tetrahydronaphthalene (THN or tetralin) was carried out as representative of LCO fractions after deep hydrogenation process. In this regards the aim of this study is to evaluate both the effect of metals and that of the supports characterized by different acid distribution and strength, on conversion and selectivity. For this purpose a series of catalysts were prepared by impregnation. The catalysts were characterized and conversion tests of THN were performed in a lab-scale plant operating in the pressure range from 7.0-5.0 MPa and in the temperature range from 300 to 360°C.

La tratta di donne a fini di sfruttamento sessuale: strumenti di contrasto e possibilità di intervento.

L’obiettivo della ricerca è, da un lato, quello di definire un quadro conoscitivo di sfondo rispetto al fenomeno della tratta e dello sfruttamento sessuale di donne che approdano nel contesto italiano, dall’altro quello di esaminare gli interventi politici e legislativi posti in essere per contrastare il fenomeno e per tutelarne le vittime. Dopo uno sguardo alle caratteristiche strutturali della tratta, alla normativa italiana, europea e internazionale connessa al suo contrasto e alla protezione delle vittime e ai modelli di intervento sociale nel settore posti in essere nel nostro Paese, l’analisi si è concretizzata prendendo in considerazione i risultati emersi dall’attività di ricerca. L’analisi delle storie di vita delle vittime, di nazionalità nigeriana, albanese e serba ha permesso, da un lato, di evidenziare la complessità dei loro percorsi di vita e dall’altro di tracciare un quadro delle modalità organizzative e di sfruttamento utilizzate dal racket nigeriano e da quello albanese. Sul versante legislativo, invece, le interviste ai ricercatori svedesi sono state volte a comprendere se la normativa che punisce l’acquisto di prestazioni sessuali potesse avere un potere deterrente e, quindi, se potesse rappresentare una risposta efficace per arginare il fenomeno della prostituzione schiavizzata. In ultimo, dal punto di vista processuale, l’analisi delle sentenze giudiziarie penali emesse dal Tribunale di Rimini è stata utile per individuare le principali dinamiche che caratterizzano il rapporto tra l’autore e la vittima di reato e, non di meno, per sottolineare l’importanza del ruolo della vittima nel processo penale.

La riforma dell'ordinamento portuale

Il presente elaborato si prefigge l’obiettivo di verificare la reale e concreta applicazione delle disposizioni derivanti dall’ordinamento comunitario, all’interno della realtà portuale italiana, che, consapevole del fatto che i porti costituiscono forti infrastrutture nonché fonte di ricchezza per il paese, avverte l’esigenza di modificare fermamente il regime amministrativo dei propri porti. Le profonde innovazioni introdotte nel sistema portuale italiano a seguito della riforma del 1994, attraverso l’introduzione di assetti istituzionali ed organizzativi, hanno favorito la crescita dei traffici marittimi del paese. In ragione dei significativi mutamenti che hanno segnato la realtà economica mondiale negli ultimi anni, in cui si è assistito, al fenomeno della c.d. globalizzazione economica, che spinge verso la delocalizzazione produttiva e verso l’apertura di nuovi mercati di consumo, particolare attenzione è stata posta alle esigenze nascenti all’interno del sistema portuale, di apportare delle significative modifiche alla Legge 84/1994, per affrontare le nuove sfide poste dalla competizione comunitaria ed internazionale, e migliorare l’efficienza delle attività produttive ed uniformare l’impianto normativo. Nello specifico è stato esaminato il testo unificato della recente proposta di legge di riforma del settore portuale, le cui novità maggiormente rilevanti si sviluppano essenzialmente su tre livelli: la governance dei porti, la programmazione e la pianificazione delle aree, le attività economiche ed i servizi portuali. In maniera precisa e dettagliata, si è proceduto all’analisi dei servizi portuali tecnico-nautici, prestando attenzione alle prospettive di liberalizzazione del settore ed al principio di uniformità in materia tariffaria, al fine di rendere detti servizi funzionali e trasparenti. Infine, l’attenzione è stata posta alla realtà portuale a livello comunitario, esaminando le recenti disposizioni emanate dalle istituzioni comunitarie, al fine di verificare il miglior funzionamento dei porti marittimi e lo sviluppo della rete transeuropea di trasporto.

Sanctions and public enforcement of insider trading laws in Europe

The recent financial crisis triggered an increasing demand for financial regulation to counteract the potential negative economic effects of the evermore complex operations and instruments available on financial markets. As a result, insider trading regulation counts amongst the relatively recent but particularly active regulation battles in Europe and overseas. Claims for more transparency and equitable securities markets proliferate, ranging from concerns about investor protection to global market stability. The internationalization of the world’s securities market has challenged traditional notions of regulation and enforcement. Considering that insider trading is currently forbidden all over Europe, this study follows a law and economics approach in identifying how this prohibition should be enforced. More precisely, the study investigates first whether criminal law is necessary under all circumstances to enforce insider trading; second, if it should be introduced at EU level. This study provides evidence of law and economics theoretical logic underlying the legal mechanisms that guide sanctioning and public enforcement of the insider trading prohibition by identifying optimal forms, natures and types of sanctions that effectively induce insider trading deterrence. The analysis further aims to reveal the economic rationality that drives the potential need for harmonization of criminal enforcement of insider trading laws within the European environment by proceeding to a comparative analysis of the current legislations of height selected Member States. This work also assesses the European Union’s most recent initiative through a critical analysis of the proposal for a Directive on criminal sanctions for Market Abuse. Based on the conclusions drawn from its close analysis, the study takes on the challenge of analyzing whether or not the actual European public enforcement of the laws prohibiting insider trading is coherent with the theoretical law and economics recommendations, and how these enforcement practices could be improved.