1963-1968. Dall'avvento dell'amministrazione di Lyndon B. Johnson al Trattato di Non-Proliferazione. gli Stati Uniti, la Francia, la NATO e l'Europa agli esordi della distensione. Storia di una "non-crisi" transatlantica e della riorganizzazione dell'Alleanza.

The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

I limiti all'autonomia procedurale degli Stati membri dell'UE in materia risarcitoria

This work analyses the limits that the principle of State liability for damages suffered by individuals because of breach of EU law poses to the procedural autonomy of the Member States of the EU. The introductory part of this work is dedicated to the general character of the limitations EU law poses to the State’s competence in procedural matters. The first part of the research, instead, focuses on the specific limits that european law poses on the rules of procedure related to the legal regime of the right to compensation and its operating conditions; in particular, this first part explores respectively the “substantive” and “procedural” limits that EU law poses to the State’s autonomy to regulate actions for damages for breaches of EU law. The substantial limits concern the conditions of eligibility of liability and the constitutive conditions of the right to compensation; the procedural limits to the action for damages refer to the concrete organization and characteristics of the judicial action. The second part of the research is devoted to rules of procedure governing the relations between judicial remedies explicitly aimed at protecting the right to reparation and other remedies that may be relevant, both europeans and nationals. The first chapter of the second part of this work focuses on the rules governing the relations between the action for damages brought up at the national level and the remedies provided by european Treaties; finally, I explore the relations between the action for damages brought up at the national level and other remedies present in the same national juridical order. I reconstruct all the limits to the procedural autonomy of Member States concerning the right to compensation; consequently, I verify that those limits represent part of the system of internal procedures, able to guarantee the respect of european law.

Lo spreco alimentare domestico in Italia: stime, cause ed impatti

Non esiste una definizione standard di spreco alimentare, così come non esistono metodologie uniformi per calcolarlo. Gli studi finora realizzati sullo spreco sono carenti, i dati raccolti spesso insufficienti. Il cibo viene sprecato ad ogni stadio della filiera alimentare, dal campo alla tavola. Nei Paesi Membri dell’Unione Europea, le famiglie – secondo dati elaborati da Eurostat- sono le principali responsabili dello spreco. Secondo la FAO, ogni europeo spreca ogni anno 179 chili di alimenti. Last Minute Market, spin off accademico che si occupa di ridurre e recuperare lo spreco, ha stimato che a livello domestico in Italia si sprecano mediamente il 17% dei prodotti ortofrutticoli acquistati, il 15% di pesce, il 28% di pasta e pane, il 29% di uova, il 30% di carne e il 32% di latticini. Da un punto di vista economico, lo sperpero alimentare significa una perdita di 1.693 euro l’anno per famiglia. Per inquadrare lo spreco alimentare domestico in Italia e gettare luce su dati contrastanti emersi da diversi studi finora realizzati, la tesi – dopo aver presentato stime a livello globale, europeo e italiano – si concentra sull’analisi dei dati emersi da un questionario sullo spreco domestico, compilato da 3.087 italiani tra il mese di novembre e quello di dicembre 2012. L’indagine socio-economica è stata realizzata in collaborazione con la Commissione Europea (DG JCR, Istituto per la Tutela della Salute dei Consumatori) e il Karlsruhe Institut für Technologie. Il questionario è stato posto sulla piattaforma online surveymonkey. La tesi ha avuto come obiettivi l’identificazione di dati quantitativi circa “quanto si spreca” , “cosa si spreca”, l’individuazione delle cause sociali, valoriali, comportamentali e di stile di vita, dello spreco alimentare delle famiglie italiane, l’impatto economico dello spreco sul budget domestico e l’elaborazione di profili di consumatori attraverso la cluster analysis.

Evolutionary genetics of lactase persistence in Eurasian human populations

Although ability to digest lactose generally declines after weaning in all mammals, in some human populations it persists also in adult individuals, a condition named lactase persistence (LP). Studies on the prevalence of the LP phenotype in worldwide human populations have shown that the frequency of this trait is highly variable in different ethnic groups, appearing to be positively correlated with the importance of milk in the diet. In particular, several single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in the proximity of the LCT gene have been proved to be associated with LP. Nevertheless, few studies have till now analyzed genetic variation underlying LP in a wide set of Eurasian populations and, especially, in the Italian one. In the present study, we thus typed 40 SNPs surrounding the LCT gene in more than 1,000 samples from Italian and Arabic peninsulas to investigate patterns of LP-related genetic diversity in two regions which have played a pivotal role in the recent human evolutionary history according to their geographical position and historical/archaeological records. Our results underline a high and complex variability of the explored genomic region in both studied populations. In particular, a clear diversification of Northern Italian groups from the rest of the peninsula, was observed, with the formers being genetically more similar to Northern European populations than to Southern Italians. These observation are consistent with known decreasing pattern of LP from Northern to Southern Italy and suggest the possibility of an independent evolution of LP-associated genotypes in Northern Italy. A similar scenario was observed in the Arabian peninsula, with Dhofari Arabs from Southern Oman and Yemeni clustering together with respect to Arabs from Northern Oman and the subgroup of Omanis of Asian origin which appeared instead to be genetically closer to Europeans than to the rest of Arabic groups.

Le désert et la littérature de voyage européenne du XIXe siècle

L'Europe commence à découvrir le désert à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Ce milieu présente des aspects multiples aux premiers explorateurs, qui le décrivent comme un lieu vivant et varié. La géopolitique constitue le premier approche d'analyse : le désert peut être rendu plus viable si mieux administré, donc libre de la domination ottomane. Au cours du siècle, le tourisme se développe, aussi en raison de la colonisation ; l'expérience du désert devient commune, et les voyageurs partent en quête d'une expérience spirituelle aussi bien que d'une aventure. Le désert devient un écran de projection pour la rêverie et les souvenirs des Européens (la Bible et les topos traditionnels demeurent actifs dans l'imaginaire occidental) ; seules certaines caractéristiques de ce milieu sont dès lors appréciées par les voyageurs. Ensuite, avec l'âge du Réalisme, devient objet d'appréciation de la part des peintres. Grâce à la médiation de l'art, la littérature commence à regarder au désert d'un point de vue esthétique, et elle lui reconnaît un charme de la nudité et du dépouillement. La mort et le minéral caractérisent ce milieu vers la fin du siècle ; le désert se vide, et devient le "désert de sable" que nous tous connaissons aujourd'hui.

Il discorso politico culturale del Deutscher Geist in Gefahr di Ernst Robert Curtius

Nel 1932 Ernst Robert Curtius pubblica il pamphlet politico culturale Deutscher Geist in Gefahr nel quale chiarisce il suo pensiero di fronte alla grave crisi in cui versa la Germania. Egli si schiera contro le posizioni di destra del suo tempo, delle quali critica apertamente la boria nazionalista, il rozzo antisemitismo e la creazione di un mito nazionale elaborato come strumento di manipolazione dell’opinione pubblica. Ritiene inoltre inaccettabili le posizioni rivoluzionarie, tanto di destra quanto di sinistra, che vogliono liberarsi della tradizione umanistica europea e disprezzano la Zivilisation francese; allo stesso modo rifiuta l’ideale di un germanesimo eroico avulso dalla storia europea e respinge infine tutte le forme di nichilismo che si risolvono in un atteggiamento di indifferenza nei confronti della realtà, dei valori e della storia. Curtius accetta il sistema democratico come unica soluzione e ritiene che le decisioni politiche debbano mirare al bene di tutti i ceti sociali indipendentemente dagli interessi di partiti e di singoli gruppi. Rifiuta qualunque forma, anche culturale, di supremazia della Germania, aspira a un’Europa cosmopolita, le cui nazioni siano valorizzate nelle loro caratteristiche specifiche, ed è convinto che per la costruzione della pace gli europei debbano vivere, studiare e lavorare insieme imparando gli uni le lingue degli altri. Per Curtius l’Umanesimo della tradizione classica e la letteratura del Medioevo sono parte integrante della vita di ogni europeo e fonte di energie spirituali per affrontare in modo creativo il presente e il futuro.