Humour, Hate Crimes and British Radical Right Users on Twitter: A longitudinal Post-Brexit study

This dissertation explores the link between hate crimes that occurred in the United Kingdom in June 2017, June 2018 and June 2019 through the posts of a robust sample of Conservative and radical right users on Twitter. In order to avoid the traditional challenges of this kind of research, I adopted a four staged research protocol that enabled me to merge content produced by a group of randomly selected users to observe the phenomenon from different angles. I collected tweets from thirty Conservative/right wing accounts for each month of June over the three years with the help of programming languages such as Python and CygWin tools. I then examined the language of my data focussing on humorous content in order to reveal whether, and if so how, radical users online often use humour as a tool to spread their views in conditions of heightened disgust and wide-spread political instability. A reflection on humour as a moral occurrence, expanding on the works of Christie Davies as well as applying recent findings on the behavioural immune system on online data, offers new insights on the overlooked humorous nature of radical political discourse. An unorthodox take on the moral foundations pioneered by Jonathan Haidt enriched my understanding of the analysed material through the addition of a moral-based layer of enquiry to my more traditional content-based one. This convergence of theoretical, data driven and real life events constitutes a viable “collection of strategies” for academia, data scientists; NGO’s fighting hate crimes and the wider public alike. Bringing together the ideas of Davies, Haidt and others to my data, helps us to perceive humorous online content in terms of complex radical narratives that are all too often compressed into a single tweet.

Ni una más. International cooperation against gender-based discrimination: the femicide case in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico

The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.

Pedofilia e pedopornografia online: una ricerca socio-criminologica nella realtà italiana e francese

Una delle realtà criminali che ha maggiormente fruito delle innovazioni introdotte dalla “società dell’Informazione” è, senza dubbio, quella dell’abuso sessuale sui minori. Tra le differenti forme di abuso sessuale sui minori, si è scelto di affrontare il fenomeno della pedopornografia online in ragione del preoccupante diffondersi di questa forma di criminalità che, grazie all’implementazione delle tecnologie dell’informazione, ha assunto caratteri nuovi, per alcuni versi difformi dai “tradizionali” profili della pedofilia, che sollevano interrogativi e nuove sfide sia sul versante della repressione di queste condotte illecite, sia sul piano della prevenzione. Nell'ambito di questo contributo, saranno esaminate in particolare le politiche penali elaborate in due diverse realtà nazionali, l'Italia e la Francia, a partire da differenti punti di vista e ponendo particolare attenzione agli strumenti, normativi ed operativi, introdotti per reprimere lo sfruttamento sessuale dei minori legato alla dimensione virtuale.

Uno studio sulla criminalità organizzata: mafie etniche e imprese illecite

Lo studio è stato condotto seguendo una duplice prospettiva, che trae spunto da alcune assimilazioni operate dalla giurisprudenza italiana. Da un lato, si è cercato di capire come debbano essere interpretate norme create per la valutazione di realtà storicamente ben identificate, quali l’art. 416 bis c.p., nel momento in cui si applicano a realtà nuove, come le mafie straniere. Dall’altro lato, si è cercato di indagare i fondamenti dell’equiparazione dell’impresa che delinque al paradigma dell’associazione per delinquere, punita dall’art. 416 c.p., allorchè imprese formalmente lecite si trovano a operare per fini esclusivamente illeciti, facendo della organizzazione imprenditoriale una vera e propria organizzazione criminale. Gli obiettivi posti dalla ricerca si possono sintetizzare, dunque, nella verifica dell’adattabilità di tradizionali fattispecie criminose al nuovo contesto criminologico e nell’individuazione del confine tra l’azione occasionalmente illecita di una impresa lecita e la connotazione di una impresa come illecita tout court.

La lucha del Derecho contra el negacionismo: una peligrosa frontera. Particular estudio de los ordenamientos italiano y español

En la sociedad europea crece la preocupación por el retorno de tendencias fascistas y neonazis y por la extensión de ideologías xenófobas y antisemitas, algunas de ellas alimentadas a partir de tesis de negacionistas de aquellos trágicos eventos de nuestra historia reciente. La lucha frente a los discursos negacionistas se ha llevado más allá del ámbito social y académico, y se ha propuesto la incorporación en los ordenamientos jurídicos europeos de tipos penales específicos que incriminan este tipo de discurso: negar, banalizar, o justificar el Holocausto u otros genocidios o graves crímenes contra la humanidad. Esta legislación, que encuentra su mayor expresión en la Decisión marco 2008/913/JAI, aunque castiga un discurso socialmente repugnante, sin embargo presenta dudas en cuanto a su legitimidad con un sistema de libertades erigido sobre el pilar del pluralismo propio de los Estados democráticos. Surge así la cuestión de si pueden estar surgiendo «nuevos» delitos de opinión y a ello se dedica entonces la presente tesis. El objetivo concreto de este trabajo será analizar esta política-criminal para proponer una configuración del delito de negacionismo compatible con la libertad de expresión, aunque se cuestionará la conveniencia de castigar penalmente a través de un específico delito este tipo de conductas. En particular se pretende responder a tres preguntas: en primer lugar, ¿el discurso negacionista debe ampararse prima facie por la libertad de expresión en un ordenamiento abierto y personalista y cuáles podrían ser las «reglas» que podrían servir como criterio para limitar este género de manifestaciones? La segunda pregunta sería entonces: ¿Cómo podría construirse un tipo penal respetuoso con los principios constitucionales y penales que específicamente incriminara este género de conductas? Y, como última pregunta: ¿Es conveniente o adecuada una política criminal que lleve a crear un específico delito de negacionismo?

Uno studio sulla responsabilita' da reato degli enti

Il lavoro è suddiviso in due sezioni, che si compongono rispettivamente di tre e due capitoli. La prima sezione è dedicata all'esame dei principi fondamentali e della "parte generale" della disciplina della responsabilità amministrativa degli enti: il primo capitolo si concentra sull'evoluzione storica del principio Societas delinquere non potest nell'ordinamento giuridico italiano, prodromica all'analisi della natura della responsabilità amministrativa dipendente da reato degli enti. svolta nel secondo capitolo. Nel terzo capitolo della prima sezione si affronta la disciplina di "parte generale" del decreto 231, evidenziando, in particolare. i principi fondamentali che caratterizzano questo paradigma di illecito. La seconda sezione affronta invece due degli aspetti maggiormente problematici della "parte speciale" del decreto, ovvero la responsabilità degli enti per i delitti di omicidio e lesioni colpose (ai quali è dedicato il primo capitolo) e quella derivante dalla commissione di reati associativi (ai quali è dedicato il secondo capitolo).

The twofold role of Cloud Computing in Digital Forensics: target of investigations and helping hand to evidence analysis

This PhD thesis discusses the impact of Cloud Computing infrastructures on Digital Forensics in the twofold role of target of investigations and as a helping hand to investigators. The Cloud offers a cheap and almost limitless computing power and storage space for data which can be leveraged to commit either new or old crimes and host related traces. Conversely, the Cloud can help forensic examiners to find clues better and earlier than traditional analysis applications, thanks to its dramatically improved evidence processing capabilities. In both cases, a new arsenal of software tools needs to be made available. The development of this novel weaponry and its technical and legal implications from the point of view of repeatability of technical assessments is discussed throughout the following pages and constitutes the unprecedented contribution of this work

Essays in policy evaluation

This dissertation consists of three empirical studies that aim at providing new evidence in the field of public policy evaluation. In particular, the first two chapters focus on the effects of the European cohesion policy, while the third chapter assesses the effectiveness of Italian labour market incentives in reducing long-term unemployment. The first study analyses the effect of EU funds on life satisfaction across European regions , under the assumption that projects financed by structural funds in the fields of employment, education, health and environment may affect the overall quality of life in recipient regions. Using regional data from the European Social Survey in 2002-2006, it resorts to a regression discontinuity design, where the discontinuity is provided by the institutional framework of the policy. The second study aims at estimating the impact of large transfers from a centralized authority to a local administration on the incidence of white collar crimes. It merges a unique dataset on crimes committed in Italian municipalities between 2007 and 2011 with information on the disbursement of EU structural funds in 2007-2013 programming period, employing an instrumental variable estimation strategy that exploits the variation in the electoral cycle at local level. The third study analyses the impact of an Italian labour market policy that allowed firms to cut their labour costs on open-ended job contracts when hiring long-term unemployed workers. It takes advantage of a unique dataset that draws information from the unemployment lists in Veneto region and it resorts to a regression discontinuity approach to estimate the effect of the policy on the job finding rate of long-term unemployed workers.