Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici

The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

Autonomia finanziaria degli enti territoriali al tempo della crisi, tra unione europea e garanzia dei diritti

La tesi si propone di ricostruire la struttura attuale dell'autonomia finanziaria degli enti locali italiani, e in particolare le regioni italiane, alla luce delle riforme legislative e costituzionali approvate dal Parlamento italiano negli ultimi anni (come ad esempio il bilancio riforma costituzionale equilibrata del 2012). Lo studio si concentra sulla situazione italiana alla luce dei vincoli europei introdotti nel corso degli anni, da quelli contenuti nel Trattato di Maastricht a quelli derivati dalla crisi economica e finanziaria. L'obiettivo è quello di verificare se le scelte del legislatore italiano possano dirsi coerenti con il processo di unione politica europea e quali conseguenze abbiano avuto sulla garanzia dei diritti. In particolare, lo studio si concentra sulla garanzia dei diritti sociali nel contesto politico ed economico attuale, a livello europeo e nazionale, con particolare attenzione al diritto alla salute.

Previdenza complementare: evoluzione e tendenze

La tesi si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo dà conto del dibattito sorto attorno alla problematica dell’inquadramento della previdenza complementare nel sistema costituzionale dell’art. 38 Cost. che ha diviso la dottrina tra quanti hanno voluto ricondurre tale fenomeno al principio di libertà della previdenza privata di cui all’ art. 38, comma 5, Cost. e quanti lo hanno invece collocato al 2° comma della stessa norma, sulla base di una ritenuta identità di funzioni tra previdenza pubblica e previdenza complementare. Tale ultima ricostruzione in particolare dopo la c.d. Riforma “Amato” è culminata nella giurisprudenza della Corte Costituzionale, che ha avuto modo di pronunciarsi sulla questione con una serie di pronunce sulla vicenda del c.d. “contributo sul contributo” e su quella della subordinazione dei requisiti di accesso alle prestazioni pensionistiche complementari alla maturazione dei requisiti previsti dal sistema obbligatorio. Il capitolo successivo si occupa della verifica della attualità e della coerenza dell’impostazione della Corte Costituzionale alla luce dell’evoluzione della disciplina dei fondi pensione. Nel terzo capitolo, infine, vengono affrontate alcune questioni aperte in relazione ai c.d. fondi pensione “preesistenti” suscettibili di sollevare preoccupazioni circa la necessità di garantire le aspettative e i diritti dei soggetti iscritti.

Committed to reform? Pragmatic antitrust enforcement in electricity markets

This thesis is a collection of essays about the instrumental use of commitment decisions to facilitate the completion of the European internal electricity market. European policy can shape markets in many ways, two most evident being regulation and competition enforcement. The interplay between these two instruments attracts a lot of scholarly attention. One of the major concerns in the competition vs. regulation debate is the instrumental use of competition rules. It has been observed that competition enforcement is triggered not only as a response to an anticompetitive harm occurring in the market, but that it sometimes becomes a powerful tool in the European Commission’s hands to pursue regulatory goals. This thesis looks for examples of such instrumentalisation in the context of electricity markets and finds that the Commission is very pragmatic in using all the possible instruments it has at hand to push forward its project of creating the internal electricity market. This includes regulation, competition enforcement and all sorts of political pressure. To the extent that commitment decisions accelerate sector-specific regulation and overcome political deadlocks, they contribute to the Commission’s energy policy goals. However, instrumentalisation of competition rules comes at a certain cost to competition policy, energy policy and, most importantly, to electricity markets themselves. Markets might be negatively affected either indirectly, by application of sector-specific regulation or competition policy building on previous commitment decisions, or directly, through the implementation of inadequate commitments in individual cases. Concluding, commitment decisions generally contributed to achieving the policy objectives of the internal electricity market, but their use for that purpose does not come without cost. Given that this cost is ultimately borne by the internal electricity market, the Commission should take a more balanced approach to the instrumental use of commitment decisions so that it does not do more harm than good.

Effects of 2013 Cap reform on land market: regionalized farm payments and changes in farmers’ intended behaviour

The CAP reform process has been a central issue for agricultural economics research in recent years, and is gaining further attention in view of the post-2013 perspectives (Viaggi et al., 2010; Bartolini et al., 2011). Today the CAP is in the middle of a new reform process. Through the debate generated by the official proposals, published in October 2011 (COM(2011)625/3), the European Union (EU) engaged in a revision of the CAP ended on 26 June 2013 when a political agreement has been reached (IP/13/613, MEMO-13-621 and IP/13/864). In particular, in Italy the switch of the payment regime from historical to regional bases will take place. The underlying assumption is that the shift to regionalized payments changes the remuneration of inputs and has an impact on farmers’ allocation of fixed resources. In this context, farmers are expected to adjust their plans to the new policy environment as the regionalization of support is meant to create a change in incentives faced by farmers. The objective of this thesis is to provide an ex-ante analysis of the potential impact of the introduction of regionalized payments, within the post-2013 CAP reform, on the land market. Regionalized payments seem to produce differentiated effects and contribute to a general (slight) increase of land exchanges. The individual reaction to the new payments introduction would be different depending on location and specialization. These effects seem to be also strongly influenced by the difference in historical payments endowment and value, i.e. by the previous historical system of distribution of payments.

Moduli consensuali nei rapporti tra Stato e autonomie territoriali e ruolo delle Conferenze

Ad oltre un decennio dalla riforma costituzionale del 2001, la non compiuta attuazione della stessa sembra condurre ad una nuova ed assai prossima revisione costituzionale. Nel mutato quadro costituzionale di quest’ultimo periodo l’attenzione e l’interesse sono stati richiamati da una grande quantità di accordi, di intese e di altri moduli consensuali, introdotti ed esitati nei rapporti tra Stato ed autonomie territoriali. Dall’esame del sistema delle Conferenze si è evidenziata la loro indispensabilità ai fini del coordinamento delle azioni politico –amministrative delle autonomie territoriali, ma è anche venuta fuori l’esigenza di ricorrere frequentemente ad altri tipi di moduli consensuali, spesso non tipizzati in ambito legislativo. I principi di sussidiarietà e di leale collaborazione inducono non di rado ad assumere, nella concretezza, forme eterogenee poco chiare e confuse (accordo, intesa, concerto, parere) che, pur considerati i contributi offerti dalla dottrina e dalla giurisprudenza, richiederebbero un intervento da parte del legislatore. L’approfondimento tematico ha rilevato, nel contesto di rapporti tra Stato ed autonomie territoriali, un movimento per così dire ondulatorio tra accese spinte autonomistiche e rimarcate esigenze centralistiche, lasciando ancora nella prospettiva una operativa ed efficiente armonia istituzionale.

Il diritto alla mobilita' fra dimensione europea, costituzioni statali e autonomie territoriali

La tesi si prefigge l'obbiettivo di offrire una ricostruzione logico sistematica della disciplina giuridica che regola i trasporti pubblici locali in ambito regionale, statale e comunitario, affrontando le principali questioni interpretative e di coordinamento che esse pongono. Nella primo capitolo, viene analizzato l'evoluzione storica della normativa nazionale che regola il trasporto pubblico locale, soffermandosi soprattutto sulla riforma del trasporto pubblico locale introdotte dal d.lgs. 422/1997. Particolare attenzione è stata posta agli aspetti di programmazione e finanziamento nonché alle modalità di gestione del trasporto pubblico locale, in quanto il quadro normativo applicabile è caratterizzato da un’estrema complessità dovuta ai numerosi interventi legislativi. Nel secondo capitolo viene esaminato l'evoluzione dell'intervento comunitario in materi di trasporto pubblico locale, partendo dal (CE) n. 1191/69 che si limitava a disciplinare gli aiuti di Stato, fino alla normativa quadro per il settore (Regolamento (CE) n. 1370/2007). L'obbiettivo è quello di verificare se le scelte del legislatore italiano, per quanto concerne le modalità di gestione del trasporto pubblico locale possano dirsi coerenti con le scelte a livello comunitario previste dal Regolamento (CE) n. 1370/2007. Viene inoltre affronta la questione dell'articolazione della potestà normativa e amministrativa del settore dei trasporti pubblici locali nelle disposizioni del Titolo V della Costituzione. Lo studio si sofferma soprattutto sulla giurisprudenza della Corte costituzionale per tracciare una chiara individuazione del riparto delle competenze tra Stato e Regioni in materia. Infine nell'ultima parte, esamina le diverse problematiche interpretative e applicative della normativa che disciplina il settore del TPL, dovute all'azzeramento della normativa generale dei servizi pubblici locali di rilevanza economica in seguito al referendum abrogativo del 12 e 13 giugno 2011, nonché della illegittimità costituzionale della normativa contenuta nell'art 4 del d.l. n. 138/2011, ad opera della sentenza della Corte costituzionale n. 199/2012.