Neocostituzionalismo e positivizzazione dei valori

This doctoral thesis seeks to make a comprehensive analysis of neoconstitutionalism, studying their manifestations in constitutional law and doctrine. Neoconstitutionalism, as a new manifestation of constitutional phenomenon that emerged after World War II, is characterized by the need to take any legal possession of certain premises, materials of an immovable, coinciding with the fundamental human rights, which will fall outside the potential political majorities, and become its cornerstone. These assumptions are intended as safeguards needed to protect human dignity and the democratic system itself against anyone, even taking advantage of a power obtained democratically which intends to demolish the pillars of democracy and to establish tyranny. The Constitution is enshrined as a basic rule of real system, a repository of these fundamental rights, the observance by public authorities becomes inexcusable. This will involve a role for judicial review in its protection. Thus, supremacy of the constitution, deepening respect for and promotion of fundamental rights and role of constitutional judge as the guarantor of its validity are the bases of neoconstitutionalism, a legal phenomenon not only current, but evolving.

Funzionalizzazione e unitarietà della vicenda contrattuale negli appalti pubblici

La tesi intende analizzare l’unitarietà della vicenda contrattuale dell’appalto pubblico nell’ottica del superamento della tradizionale visione dicotomica tra la fase della scelta del contraente e quella esecutiva. Sullo sfondo della funzionalizzazione del contratto alla realizzazione dell’interesse pubblico in concreto, oggi più che mai comprensivo dei fini ambientali, sociali e occupazionali, l’attenzione sarà posta in particolare sulla compresenza in entrambe le fasi di “momenti” (e quindi di regimi) pubblicistici e privatistici. A tal fine, l’attenzione sarà principalmente riservata, da un lato, all’estensione del regime delle trattative precontrattuali anche al momento che precede quello dell’aggiudicazione e, dall’altro lato, all’applicazione dello statuto pubblicistico all’esecuzione del contratto, specialmente in relazione all’esercizio del recesso, in ciò esprimendosi con maggior forza il senso dell’unitarietà fra le due fasi. Rilevata infine la frammentazione delle giurisdizioni, valorizzata l’esigenza di un giudice specializzato sulla materia e preso atto di alcune trasformazioni (potenziali e attuali) sul fronte più generale del riparto, si cercherà di fornire una lettura atta ad estendere, a Costituzione invariata, la giurisdizione esclusiva del giudice amministrativo su tutta l’unitaria vicenda contrattuale.

Cause celebri, giustizia penale e informazione. La giustizia penale nello specchio dell'informazione giornalistica

La tesi approfondisce gli aspetti problematici del rapporto tra processo penale e informazione giornalistica. Si è così ritenuto opportuno suddividere la ricerca in due sezioni, una casistica, l’altra prettamente teorica. Nella sezione teorica si è posta l’attenzione sulle questioni più dibattute: tutela della verginità cognitiva del giudice, dei segreti processuali, della libertà di cronaca, della riservatezza di quanti siano anche solo occasionalmente accostati ad un’indagine penale, dell’autodeterminazione delle persone che partecipano al processo e del sereno svolgimento di quest’ultimo. Il fine ultimo è stato quello di porre sotto esame gli attuali equilibri delineati dal codice. Laddove si è potuta osservare una inadeguatezza legislativa si è tentato di avanzare una proposta di riforma. Sul punto, da un lato si sono potute osservare alcune incongruenze oggi riscontrabili nell’art. 114 c.p.p. Il tutto nella ritrovata consapevolezza che il dilemmatico rapporto tra processo e mass media può rischiare finanche di impattare sulle dinamiche probatorie, col serio rischio di inquinamento di alcune prove dichiarative. Il futuribile testimone esposto all’influenza dell’opinione pubblica può restarne scosso o turbato, al punto da potere soffrire di un’alterazione mnemonica del suo ricordo. Non per ultimo, di ausilio si è mostrata la prospettiva comparata, dalla quale si sono potuti trarre validi spunti per una ideale soluzione dei problemi passati in rassegna. Su questo versante, si è osservato il sistema spagnolo, interessati a cogliere gli equilibri costituzionali sui quali si erge il rapporto tra libertà di cronaca e processo penale e le regole codicistiche in tema di propalazione di atti giudiziari all’opinione pubblica iberica. All’esito, si sono potute trarre le conclusioni ripercorse nel testo.

Rebooting the constitutional debate: deliberative constitutionalism in the European Union

The aim of my thesis is to investigate the possibility and necessity to rethink a constitutional framework and debate in a transnational polity such as the European Union. My effort focuses on a promising theory called deliberative constitutionalism, which carries on new insights on how democracy and constitutions relate each other. The EU is a unique political entity which poses unanswered questions about its political legitimacy and constitutional foundation, if a Constitution will ever be possible. Going beyond the classical conception of the national and sovereign ‘people’, we keep wondering how citizens may deliberate and discuss about their rights and political communities across borders, in what could be defined as a transnational civic society. The development of the latter brings with it necessary constitutional changes, if not an evolution of constitutionalism itself. Chapter 1 deals with defining the theoretical framework, which develops the distinctiveness of the deliberative constitutional paradigm not only with respect to other more 'classical' models of democracy, but also with respect to other deliberative models that have marked the constructivist debate. Chapter 2 presents a conceptual history of constituent power, mainly studying the evolution of the constitution-sovereignty-constituent power dialectic, up to contemporary theories that explain the negation, separation, union or plurality of a transnational constituent with respect to its national counterparts. Chapter 3 develops the discourse of constitutional pluralism, through its main claims and strands that especially pertain to Neil Walker's (2002, 2016) institutional and epistemic claims. Chapter 4 applies a deliberative constitutionalist framework to the case of the European Union. Through the exposition of DC normative tenets, a form of self-learning process is proposed that can reconcile the heterarchical arrangement of constitutional claims and the new demand for legitimacy, as well as the relationship between European peoples and European citizens.

Transitional Justice as a Post-Revolution Constitutional Arrangement: A Law and Economics Approach

This dissertation addresses the timely questions of transitional justice (TJ) in the aftermath of revolutions against autocratic regimes, dealing with TJ as a constitutional arrangement through the lenses of constitutional economics. After an introductory chapter, chapter 2 deals with why nations rarely adopt meaningful TJ processes in the first place, it then explains the limitations of civil society as the arbiter, facilitator, and enforcer of TJ policies. Chapter 3 tackles the question of which mechanisms to choose? It uses the UN Guidelines on TJ that sets five principal TJ mechanisms. It provides a cost-benefit analysis (CBA) of each mechanism and suggests policy implications accordingly. The CBA inspires chapter 4 analysis, suggesting a tradeoff between restrictive fair trial standards under constitutional laws and justice considerations. The tradeoff explains the suggested efficiency of the balanced TJ approaches that combine trials and amnesties. This approach is used for the case study analysis of TJ in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution in chapter 5. The chapter presents the first index of TJ mechanisms in Tunisia through novel data collected by the author. It shows an ultimate TJ design that ended with a modest harvest in the application. The lack of cooperation between the Tunisian parties, added to the absence of transparency in many TJ measures, threatens any possible positive outcomes of the partial TJ process. It is also alarming regarding constitutional compliance in a system that – until recently - was considered the only democracy in the Arab region. Chapter 6 is a summary

Comparative constitutional design for divided societies: a model to explain vonstitutional asymmetries

Comparative studies on constitutional design for divided societies indicate that there is no magic formula to the challenges that these societies pose, as lots of factors influence constitutional design. In the literature on asymmetric federalism, the introduction of constitutional asymmetries is considered a flexible instrument of ethnic conflict resolution, as it provides a mixture of the two main theoretical approaches to constitutional design for divided societies (i.e., integration and accommodation). Indeed, constitutional asymmetries are a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, as their degree of intensity can vary across constitutional systems, and there are both legal and extra-legal factors that may explain such differences. This thesis argues that constitutional asymmetries provide a flexible model of constitutional design and aims to explore the legal factors that are most likely to explain the different degrees of constitutional asymmetry in divided multi-tiered systems. To this end, the research adopts a qualitative methodology, i.e., Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), which allows an understanding of whether a condition or combination of conditions (i.e., the legal factors) determine the outcome (i.e., high, medium, low degree of constitutional asymmetry, or constitutional symmetry). The QCA is conducted on 16 divided multi-tiered systems, and for each case, the degree of constitutional asymmetry was analyzed by employing standardized indexes on subnational autonomy, allowing for a more precise measure of constitutional asymmetry than has previously been provided in the literature. Overall, the research confirms the complex nature of constitutional asymmetries, as the degrees of asymmetries vary substantially not only across systems but also within cases among the dimensions of subnational autonomy. The outcome of the Qualitative Comparative Analysis also confirms a path of complex causality since the different degrees of constitutional asymmetry always depend on several legal factors, that combined produce a low, medium, or high degree of constitutional asymmetry or, conversely, constitutional symmetry.