5 resultados para Centralization

em AMS Tesi di Dottorato - Alm@DL - Università di Bologna


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Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

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Il campo d’interesse della ricerca è stato l’attuale processo di ricentralizzazione del Social Housing nelle periferie urbane in una parte del contesto internazionale, che sembra stia portando le città a ricrearsi e ripensarsi grazie alla presa di coscienza delle differenze esistenti, rispetto al passato, nei nuovi processi di trasformazione nei quali la città è intesa sia come spazio costruito ma anche sociale. In virtù di quest’ultimi due aspetti complementari della città, oggi, il ruolo della periferia contemporanea sembra essere diversamente interpretato, così come gli interventi di riqualificazione di tipo assistenziale - migliorativo tenderebbero a trasformarne i suoi caratteri alla ricerca del “modello di città”. L’interesse alla tematica è inoltre scaturito dalla constatazione che alla base della crisi dei modelli d’intervento pubblico starebbero sia l’insostenibilità economica ma soprattutto l’errata lettura dei bisogni delle famiglie nella loro specificità e diversità e che in tal senso l’eventuale partecipazione della cittadinanza costituirebbe effettivamente una proposta valida, anche per risolvere la crescente domanda abitativa che si pone a livello mondiale. L’obiettivo della ricerca è stato quello d’analizzare, nel contesto internazionale del Social Housing, le caratteristiche di partecipazione e sussidiarietà che connotano particolarmente gli interventi di riqualificazione destinati a famiglie economicamente carenti, nello specifico analizzando i metodi e gli strumenti atti alla comunicazione partecipativa del progetto in aree urbane periferiche italiane e brasiliane. Nella prima e seconda fase della ricerca è stato svolto, rispettivamente, un lavoro di analisi bibliografica sul tema dell’emergenza casa e sulle nuove politiche abitative di sviluppo urbano ed uno specifico sulla tematica della riqualificazione partecipata del Social Housing in aree della periferia urbana, infine nella terza fase sono stati analizzati i casi di studio prescelti dando rilievo all’analisi delle caratteristiche e requisiti prestazionali delle tecniche partecipative di rappresentazione - comunicazione, più idonee ad influenzare positivamente il suddetto processo.

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Come risposta positiva alle richieste provenienti dal mondo dei giuristi, spesso troppo distante da quello scientifico, si vuole sviluppare un sistema solido dal punto di vista tecnico e chiaro dal punto di vista giurico finalizzato ad migliore ricerca della verità. L’obiettivo ci si prefigge è quello di creare uno strumento versatile e di facile utilizzo da mettere a disposizione dell’A.G. ed eventualmente della P.G. operante finalizzato a consentire il proseguo dell’attività d’indagine in tempi molto rapidi e con un notevole contenimento dei costi di giustizia rispetto ad una normale CTU. La progetto verterà su analisi informatiche forensi di supporti digitali inerenti vari tipi di procedimento per cui si dovrebbe richiedere una CTU o una perizia. La sperimentazione scientifica prevede un sistema di partecipazione diretta della P.G. e della A.G. all’analisi informatica rendendo disponibile, sottoforma di macchina virtuale, il contenuto dei supporti sequestrati in modo che possa essere visionato alla pari del supporto originale. In questo modo il CT diventa una mera guida per la PG e l’AG nell’ambito dell’indagine informatica forense che accompagna il giudice e le parti alla migliore comprensione delle informazioni richieste dal quesito. Le fasi chiave della sperimentazione sono: • la ripetibilità delle operazioni svolte • dettare delle chiare linee guida per la catena di custodia dalla presa in carico dei supporti • i metodi di conservazione e trasmissione dei dati tali da poter garantire integrità e riservatezza degli stessi • tempi e costi ridotti rispetto alle normali CTU/perizie • visualizzazione diretta dei contenuti dei supporti analizzati delle Parti e del Giudice circoscritte alle informazioni utili ai fini di giustizia

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This dissertation mimics the Turkish college admission procedure. It started with the purpose to reduce the inefficiencies in Turkish market. For this purpose, we propose a mechanism under a new market structure; as we prefer to call, semi-centralization. In chapter 1, we give a brief summary of Matching Theory. We present the first examples in Matching history with the most general papers and mechanisms. In chapter 2, we propose our mechanism. In real life application, that is in Turkish university placements, the mechanism reduces the inefficiencies of the current system. The success of the mechanism depends on the preference profile. It is easy to show that under complete information the mechanism implements the full set of stable matchings for a given profile. In chapter 3, we refine our basic mechanism. The modification on the mechanism has a crucial effect on the results. The new mechanism is, as we call, a middle mechanism. In one of the subdomain, this mechanism coincides with the original basic mechanism. But, in the other partition, it gives the same results with Gale and Shapley's algorithm. In chapter 4, we apply our basic mechanism to well known Roommate Problem. Since the roommate problem is in one-sided game patern, firstly we propose an auxiliary function to convert the game semi centralized two-sided game, because our basic mechanism is designed for this framework. We show that this process is succesful in finding a stable matching in the existence of stability. We also show that our mechanism easily and simply tells us if a profile lacks of stability by using purified orderings. Finally, we show a method to find all the stable matching in the existence of multi stability. The method is simply to run the mechanism for all of the top agents in the social preference.

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This dissertation consists of three papers. The first paper "Ethnicity, Migration and Conflict: Evidence from Contemporary South Africa” exploits some of the institutional changes intervened in South Africa during the end of apartheid to investigate the relationship between ethnic diversity and conflict. I find within-ethnic polarization to be significantly related to the intensity of armed confrontations among black-dominated groups. My investigation thus gives strong and robust empirical support to the theoretical arguments which identify ethnic diversity as one of the determinants of civil conflict. The second chapter, "Pre-Colonial Centralization, Colonial Activities and Development in Latin America", investigates the hypothesis that pre-colonial ethnic institutions shaped contemporary regional development in Latin America. I document a strong and positive relationship between pre-colonial centralization and regional development. Results are in line with the view that highly centralized pre-colonial societies acted as a persistent force of agglomeration of economic activities and a strong predictor of colonial state capacity. The results provide a first evidence of the existence of a link between pre-colonial centralization, colonial institutional arrangements and contemporary economic development. The third paper "Bite and Divide: Malaria and Ethnic Diversity” investigates the role of malaria as a fundamental determinant of modern ethnic diversity. This paper explores the hypothesis, that a large exposure to malaria has fostered differential interactions that reduced contacts between groups and increased interactions within them Results document that malaria increases the number of ethnic groups at all levels of spatial disaggregation and time periods (exploiting historical and current ethnic diversity). Regressions' results show that endogamous marriages are more frequent in areas with higher geographic suitability to malaria. The results are in line with the view that malaria increases intra-ethnic interactions while decreasing inter-ethnic ones.