Social security reforms and their implications for the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

Jamaica: Employer size and worker remuneration in the private sector

Includes bibliography.

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Employment formalization and labour income distribution

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean is a twice-yearly report prepared jointly by the Economic Development Division of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Subregional Office for the South Cone of Latin America of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Strong job creation and wage gains have proved to be a key factors in reducing poverty —quite substantially— in our region over the past decade. Together with the implementation of innovative social policies, the narrowing of wage gaps has played a fundamental role in reducing inequality between households. The success of these two processes —reducing poverty and inequality— count among the most important achievements of this period. In the past few years, however, the fight against poverty has noticeably lost momentum,1 showing the extent to which job creation has been hit by the recent economic slowdown.

A periodization of Latin American development in the Robinsonian tradition

This paper analyzes Joan Robinson's growth model and then adapts it in order to provide an explanatory taxonomy of Growth Eras. The Growth Eras or Ages were for Robinson a way to provide logical connections between output growth, capital accumulation, the degree of thriftiness, the real wage and illustrate a catalogue of growth possibilities. This modified taxonomy follows the spirit of Robinson's work, but it takes different theoretical approaches. which imply that some of the classifications do not fit perfectly the ones here suggested. Latin America has moved from a Golden Age in the 1950s and 1960s to a Leaden Age in the 1980s, having two traverse periods, one of which the process of growth and industrialization accelerated in the late 1960s and early 1970s, which is referred to as a Galloping Platinum Age, an one in which a process of deindustrialization and reprimarization and maquilization of the productive structure took place, starting in the 1990s, which could be referred as the Creeping Platinum Age.

Patterns of technical progress in the Brazilian economy, 1952-2008

This article analyses the pattern of technical change in the Brazilian economy between 1952 and 2008. A Marx-biased pattern of labour-saving and capital-using change predominated in the period under study. Three phases in the dynamism of technical change can be distinguished, however. The first, from 1952 to 1973, was highly dynamic. In the second, from 1973 to 1991, this dynamism lessened. Lastly, between 1991 and 2008, the dynamism of technical change recovered slightly. The wage share held fairly steady throughout the period. The rate of profit dropped between 1952 and 1991 before rising slightly from 1991 to 2008. The net capital accumulation rate contracted after 1975 because of the decline in the rates of profit and investment. Between 2004 and 2008, the net capital accumulation rate increased.

Occupational mobility and income differentials: The experience of Brazil between 2002 and 2010

Since the start of the twenty-first century, the Brazilian economy has experienced a growth cycle with characteristics unlike those of its previous historical experience, combining growth, macroeconomic stability and distributive progress. In this context, the study aims to analyse the factors and distributive effects of occupational mobility in Brazil, based on data obtained from the Monthly Employment Survey. The results suggest that: (i) mobility has been used in Brazil as a way to raise wages, even when it involves a drop in socio-occupational status; (ii) nonetheless, the wage increase obtained by changing job or occupational segment is smaller for poorer workers than for wealthier ones; and (iii) consequently, mobility helps to increase income, but it also tends to widen wage gaps.

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Labour productivity and distribution issues

Although the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean grew more slowly in 2011 than in 2010, there were some improvements on the employment front. Workers benefited from the region’s satisfactory economic performance in an increasingly complex international setting. The unemployment rate fell from 7.3% in 2010 to 6.7% in 2011 thanks to a halfpercentage- point gain in the urban employment rate. Both rates are at levels that have not been seen for a long time. The proportion of formal jobs with social benefits rose as well, and underemployment declined. The average wage and the minimum wage both increased in real terms, albeit only moderately. Economic performance and the employment situation varied widely among the subregions. The unemployment rate dropped by 0.6 percentage points in South America but 0.4 percentage points in the countries of the northern part of Latin America. In the countries of the Caribbean, the employment rate was up by 0.2 percentage points. The data show that substantial labour market gaps and serious labour-market insertion issues remain. This is especially the case for women and young people, for whom unemployment rates and other labour indicators are still unfavourable. The second part of this report looks at whether the fruits of economic growth and rising productivity have been distributed equitably between workers and companies. Between 2002 and 2008 (the most recent expansionary economic cycle), wages as a percentage of GDP fell in 13 of the 21 countries of the region for which data are available and rose in just 8. This points to redistribution that is unfavourable to workers, which is worrying in a region which already has the most unequal distribution of income in the world. Underlying this trend is the fact that, worldwide, wages have grown less than productivity. Beyond the ethical dimension of this issue, it jeopardizes the social and economic sustainability of growth. For example, one of the root causes of the recent financial crisis was that households in the United States responded to declining wage income by borrowing more to pay for consumption and housing. This turned out to be unsustainable in the long run. Over time, it undermines the labour market’s contribution to the efficient allocation of resources and its distributive function, too, with negative consequences for democratic governance. Among the triggers of this distributive worsening most often cited in the global debate are market deregulation and its impact on financial globalization, technological change that favours capital over labour, and the weakening of labour institutions. What is needed here is a public policy effort to help keep wage increases from lagging behind increases in productivity. Some countries of the region, especially in South America, saw promising developments during the second half of the 2000s in the form of a positive trend reversal in wages as a percentage of GDP. One example is Brazil, where a minimum wage policy tailored to the dynamics of the domestic market is considered to be one of the factors behind an upturn in the wage share of GDP. The region needs to grow more and better. Productivity must grow at a steady pace, to serve as the basis for sustained improvements in the well-being of the populace and to narrow the gap between the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean and the more advanced economies. And inequality must be decreased; this could be achieved by closing the productivity gap between upgraded companies and the many firms whose productivity is low. As set out in this report, the region made some progress between 2002 and 2010, with labour productivity rising at the rate of 1.5% a year. But this progress falls short of that seen in other regions such as Sub-Saharan Africa (2.1%) and, above all, East Asia (8.3%, not counting Japan and the Republic of Korea). Moreover, in many of the countries of the region these gains have not been distributed equitably. Therein lies a dual challenge that must be addressed: continue to increase productivity while enhancing the mechanisms for distributing gains in a way that will encourage investment and boost worker and household income. The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that the pace of economic growth in the region will be slightly slower in 2012 than in 2011, in a global economic scenario marked by the cooling of several of the main economic engines and a high degree of uncertainty concerning, above all, prospects for the euro zone. The region is expected to continue to hold up well to this worsening scenario, thanks to policies that leveraged more favourable conditions in the past. This will be felt in the labour markets, as well, so expectations are that unemployment will edge down by as much as two tenths of a decimal point.

The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean: Crisis in the labour markets and countercyclical responses

As predicted in the first bulletin, produced jointly by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO), the impact of the economic crisis continued to be felt in Latin America and the Caribbean during the second quarter of 2009. Regional exports of goods and services contracted in response to sluggish demand on international markets, while remittances and foreign direct investment flows continued to fall, credit lost its buoyancy and the total wage bill diminished, owing mainly to job losses. As a result, the growth forecasts of many countries had to be adjusted downwards. Since the end of 2008, the countries of the region had started to implement countercyclical policies —albeit with significant differences— in an effort to use public spending to counter flagging investment and consumer-spending levels and boost aggregate demand. In this second bulletin, ECLAC and ILO show how the impact of the crisis has deepened in labour markets in the region in the first half of the year and examine existing options and the outcome of public-infrastructure and emergency employment programmes designed to mitigate the impact of the crisis on the labour market. The unemployment rate has risen in practically all countries compared with the previous year and this situation worsened further in the second quarter, when urban unemployment exceeded the rate of the corresponding period in 2008 by 1 percentage point (to stand at 8.5%, up from 7.5%), while in the first quarter, the variation was 0.6 of a percentage point. Labour indicators also point to an increase in informality, a decline in employment with social protection and a decrease in full-time employment. Labour-market trends observed in the first half-year, together with the forecast for a 1.9% decline in regional GDP in 2009, suggest that the average annual rate of urban unemployment in the region will be close to 8.5%. This forecast is slightly less pessimistic than the estimate given in the first bulletin; this is attributable to the fall in the participation rate in the first half-year to levels that are expected to remain low for the rest of the year. Without this reduction in the labour supply, due largely to the “discouragement effect”, the annual average urban unemployment rate would stand at between 8.8% and 8.9%. Thus, the open urban unemployment figure would increase by 2.5 million and if the “discouraged job-seekers” are included, then the number of additional persons not finding a niche in the urban labour market would climb to 3.2 million. In the region, as in the rest of the world, there are signs that the crisis may have reached bottom in the middle of the year. In many countries, production levels have ceased their decline and there are indications of an incipient recovery leading to cautious optimism that there may be a moderate upturn in labour markets in the fourth quarter. The pace of recovery will vary from one country to the next and is expected to be gradual at best. Even with the return to a growth path, there should be no illusion that the labour problems will immediately disappear. First, the recovery in employment is expected to lag behind the upturn in economic activity. Second, since economic growth is likely to remain moderate in the short term and well below the rates recorded between late 2003 and mid-2008, demand for labour and consequently the generation of good-quality jobs will continue to be weak. Thus, countries should not relax their efforts to defend and create decent jobs, but rather should take steps to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of available instruments. In this way, the region will be in a better position not only to confront the challenges of economic recovery, but also to strengthen the foundations for social inclusion and for advancing under more favourable conditions towards fulfilment of the Millennium Development Goals.

The earnings share of total income in Latin America, 1990-2010

This article analyses the share of total income represented by employment earnings in the countries of Latin America over the last two decades. It first considers the wage share of gross domestic product (gdp) and then adds in the earnings of self-employed workers. The findings indicate that both total wages and total earnings declined as a share of gdp in most of the region’s countries over the period, although there were some exceptions. The reduction in earnings inequality seen over the past decade was not usually accompanied by an increase in the gdp share of earnings. This means that the improvement in personal income distribution was not matched by an improvement in functional distribution.

CEPAL Review no. 113

Development then and now: Idea and utopia / Rolando Cordera Campos .-- Latin America’s competitive position in knowledge-intensive services trade / Andrés López, Andrés Niembro and Daniela Ramos .-- Wage share and economic growth in Latin America, 1950-2011 / Germán Alarco Tosoni .-- Patterns of technical progress in the Brazilian economy, 1952-2008 / Adalmir Marquetti and Melody de Campos Soares Porsse .-- Mexico: Combining monthly inflation predictions from surveys / Pilar Poncela, Víctor M. Guerrero, Alejandro Islas, Julio Rodríguez and Rocío Sánchez-Mangas .-- Expectations and industrial output in Uruguay: Sectoral interdependence and common trends / Bibiana Lanzilotta .-- Argentina: Impacts of the child allowance programme on the labour-market behaviour of adults / Roxana Maurizio and Gustavo Vázquez .-- Occupational mobility and income differentials: The experience of Brazil between 2002 and 2010 / Sandro Eduardo Monsueto, Julimar da Silva Bichara and André Moreira Cunha .-- What does the National High School Exam (enem) tell Brazilian society? / Rodrigo Travitzki, Jorge Calero and Carlota Boto .-- Brazil’s Northeast Financing Constitutional Fund: Differentiated effects on municipal economic growth / Fabrício Carneiro Linhares, Ricardo Brito Soares, Marcos Falcão Gonçalves and Luiz Fernando Gonçalves Viana.

Domestic Workers in Jamaica

This paper addresses how and why domestic workers in Jamaica are disenfranchised, with particular emphasis on the law’s inability to combat their exploitation in the labour force. My starting point is an online newspaper article entitled “Coping as a Domestic Helper”, which was based on a study investigating the living standard and coping strategies of minimum wage earners. In Jamaica domestic workers fall into three main categories - the residential worker, the non-residential weekly worker and the daily worker. Domestic workers are undervalued and their plight is especially grievous because they are characterized by a number of features that combine to have an exponentially negative effect on their social worth.

Determinants of unfair inequality in Brazil, 1995 and 2009

This article analyses the trend of unfair inequality in Brazil (1995-2009) using a nonparametric approach to estimate the income function. The entropy metrics introduced by Li, Maasoumi and Racine (2009) are used to quantify income differences separately for each effort variable. A Gini coefficient of unfair inequality is calculated, based on the fitted values of the non-parametric estimation; and the robustness of the estimations, including circumstantial variables, is analysed. The trend of the entropies demonstrated a reduction in the income differential caused by education. The variables “hours worked” and “labour-market status” contribute significantly to explaining wage differences imputed to individual effort; but the migratory variable had little explanatory power. Lastly, the robustness analysis demonstrated the plausibility of the results obtained at each stage of the empirical work.

Ecuador: return from migration and entrepreneurship in Loja

Drawing on data from a survey of returning migrants, this study examines the factors behind the decision to launch a business in Loja, Ecuador. The possible explanations fall under various headings: demographic characteristics, work experience abroad, reasons for returning, current situation, intention to re-emigrate, and activity before, during and after migration. The study also considers different concepts of “entrepreneur”, as own-account worker and as employer. The results are analysed, first, using univariate tests and then estimating probit models. The variables most closely associated with a high probability of starting a business after returning from migration are entrepreneurial experience during the migration, and the fact of having returned voluntarily, as well as having worked in the host country in agriculture or the hospitality sector. Having university training and having worked in public administration before migrating are negative factors. Other influential variables are age and the wage or salary received abroad, but these are more nuanced.