25 resultados para Struggle

em Repositório Institucional UNESP - Universidade Estadual Paulista "Julio de Mesquita Filho"


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O texto levanta os perfis epistemológico e socianalítico da questão paradigmática. Mauss evidenciara o moule affectif das noções científicas de força e causa. Posteriormente Baudouin falaria na indução arquetípica das noções e a antropologia do imaginário de Durand concluiria pela indução arquetipal do conceito pela imagem. Chegava-se, assim, ao desvendamento do substrato inconsciente das ideações, de um substrato regido pela catexis vetorializada, traduzindo-se nos valores como cerne das ideações. É o famoso a priori emotivo. Portanto, no texto, questionam-se dois mitos, esteios da ciência clássica: o mito da objetividade científica e o da neutralidade axiológica. Destaca, assim, a falácia da existência de uma ruptura epistemológica entre ciência e ideologia. A partir daí, as ideações tornam-se ideologias, sobretudo nas ciências do homem e nas ciências da educação que, ademais, tornam-se suporte de uma disfarçada luta ideológica, na qual, num colonialismo cognitivo, as estratégias de conhecimento dissimulam as de preconceito. Entretanto, assumir a realidade desse suporte fantasmanalítico e ideológico propicia uma tarefa educativa salutar: os paradigmas tornam-se fantasias e, nessa relativização crítica, podem ser usados como um campo de objetos transicionais coletivos num ludismo cultural e educativo. No policulturalismo da sociedade contemporânea, o politeísmo de valores de Weber transforma-se num politeísmo epistemológico, regido pelo relativismo ontológico de Feyerabend e por uma ética do pragmatismo. Articulando cultura, organização e educação, a antropologia das organizações educativas e a culturanálise de grupos de Paula Carvalho traduzem as heurísticas dessa dialética transicional.

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A partir du XVIe siècle, le Brésil surgit comme l'un des éléments centraux du surgissement d'un ordre économique et social dans lequel le navire apparaît comme un espace de luttes et de contradictions entre gouvernements, commandants et marins. Nous examinerons ici le processus de prolétarisation, au Brésil au cours de la premier moitié du XIXe siècle, qui a transformé en main d' uvre de travail maritime des indiens, des petits agriculteurs, des noirs libres et des esclaves.

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La trajectoire du syndicalisme au Brésil de 1978 à 1998 se présente comme un passage, sur le plan de la stratégie syndicale, de la confrontation à la coopération conflictuelle, ou encore, de la lutte des classes dans la production vers une «convergence antagonique», ou un syndicalisme de participation ou de «concertation sociale», qui s'avère précisement un défensivisme nouveau, d'apparence néo-corporative. Ce que nous cherchons à caractériser ici est l'importance progressive dans la pratique syndicaliste prépondérante de la CUT dans les années 90 du nouveau corporatisme ouvrier, qui a tendance à affaiblir la perspective de classe qui a caractérisé la lutte politique et syndicale au Brésil dans les années 80.

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Aim. The aim of this study was to understand the heart transplantation experience based on patients' descriptions.Background. To patients with heart failure, heart transplantation represents a possibility to survive and improve their quality of life. Studies have shown that more quality of life is related to patients' increasing awareness and participation in the work of the healthcare team in the post-transplantation period. Deficient relationships between patients and healthcare providers result in lower compliance with the postoperative regimen.Method. A phenomenological approach was used to interview 26 patients who were heart transplant recipients. Patients were interviewed individually and asked this single question: What does the experience of being heart transplanted mean? Participants' descriptions were analysed using phenomenological reduction, analysis and interpretation.Results. Three categories emerged from data analysis: (i) the time lived by the heart recipient; (ii) donors, family and caregivers and (iii) reflections on the experience lived. Living after heart transplant means living in a complex situation: recipients are confronted with lifelong immunosuppressive therapy associated with many side-effects. Some felt healthy whereas others reported persistence of complications as well as the onset of other pathologies. However, all participants celebrated an improvement in quality of life. Health caregivers, their social and family support had been essential for their struggle. Participants realised that life after heart transplantation was a continuing process demanding support and structured follow-up for the rest of their lives.Conclusion. The findings suggest that each individual has unique experiences of the heart transplantation process. To go on living participants had to accept changes and adapt: to the organ change, to complications resulting from rejection of the organ, to lots of pills and food restrictions.Relevance to clinical practice. Stimulating a heart transplant patients spontaneous expression about what they are experiencing and granting them the actual status of the main character in their own story is important to their care.

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Este artigo se propõe a analisar as memórias de pequenos produtores rurais do assentamento Camucim (litoral sul da Paraíba) sobre um conflito de terra ocorrido no final dos anos 70 e início dos anos 80, do século XX. Essas memórias foram obtidas através de entrevistas de história de vida, que foram submetidas à Análise de Discurso. A partir da história oral, pretende-se analisar o sentido subjetivo construído pelos narradores, através de suas memórias. Nesse sentido, o conflito é relembrado como uma luta legítima, abençoada por Deus, o que nos remete para o papel fundamental da Igreja nesse processo, através da Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT). Além disso, os narradores constroem uma imagem de lutadores corajosos e vitoriosos.

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Dans cet article, nous envisageons traiter une série de questions concernant le contexte urbain de la ville de São Paulo. Notre objectif est d'identifier: a) comment s'organisent les principaux groupes privés en vue de situer le secteur tertiaire moderne; b) comment leur organisations font pression sur le pouvoir public afin d'obtenir des bénéfices d'infrastructure d'équipements urbains; c) quelles sont les réponses concrètes du pouvoir public; d) quels sont les principaux groupes sociaux, issus des classes populaires qui sont pourtant atteints par ce jeu d'intérêts.

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We study the growth dynamics of the size of manufacturing firms considering competition and normal distribution of competency. We start with the fact that all components of the system struggle with each other for growth as happened in real competitive business world. The detailed quantitative agreement of the theory with empirical results of firms growth based on a large economic database spanning over 20 years is good with a single set of the parameters for all the curves. Further, the empirical data of the variation of the standard deviation of the growth rate with the size of the firm are in accordance with the present theory rather than a simple power law. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. B.V. All rights reserved.

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Comparison of the histories of three leading peasant organizations in the Pontal do Paranapanema region of Brazil-the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) from 1945 to 1964, the Confederacao Nacional de Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) from 1964 to 1984, and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) from 1984 to 2004-suggests that continuity is as important as change in understanding Brazilian peasant movements. The MST has been considered a "new social movement" in that it has eschewed partisan politics, incorporated families as members rather than just male heads of household, had a national scope and a participatory decision-making structure, and been attuned to the international struggle over globalization. Placing it in historical perspective makes it clear, however, that this is not the first time that militants have organized around the concept of peasants as a political identity; that while the representation of peasants in the leadership of contemporary rural labor organizations may be greater than in the past, earlier peasant leaders also struggled on behalf of their class; that earlier peasant organizations had, if not a national presence, a substantial presence in the agricultural states of the time; and that attempts at international organization to unite peasant struggles around the globe are not entirely new. This is not to deny the innovative features of contemporary movements but to suggest that the investigation of past achievements will contribute to a fuller appreciation of these movements' conditions and prospects.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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In his Prison Notebooks, Gramsci worked with the notion of subaltern classes and groups, a concept that has been incorporated by the Social Sciences and current Historiography. Correlatedly, problems of common sense, folklore and religion are presented. It is important to raise the question of the theoretical and political implications of Gramsci's elaborations, contextualizing them within the entirety of his theoretical and political production, even if only to contest the common uses of the concept and their real relationship to Gramsci, or to examine to what extent this author can be considered relevant for interpretations of the conditions of social struggle in contemporary capitalism. © 2008 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

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This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.

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The methodological aspects which the historians face when using documents produced by the Brazilian military dictatorship on the leftist movements which intended to trigger the revolutionary struggle are analyzed. Whereas the strategy of the repressive regime in producing and establishing the 'truth' is enhanced, the resistance strategies of the political forces targeted by the repressive apparatus are investigated. The documents on the political organization called Marxist-Leninist Popular Movement have been employed.

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This article attempts to identify and analyze the motives that led several sectors of agro-business to engage in the struggle for the eradication of child labor in Brazil, as launched by international organizations for the defense of children's and adolescents' rights. It is our hypothesis that economic globalization and the internationalization of children's rights have given visibility to the problem of child labor, thus demanding the mobilization of entrepreneurial sectors linked to agro-business productive chains in Brazil. The article is divided into four inter-related sections. In the first one, we attempt to provide evidence for the interference of social and labor problems within the ambit of the economic activities of the agro-business sector, within the current context of globalization. This is followed by a study of major UN, UNICEF and ILO investments to internalize children's rights and policies to combat child labor, giving salience to their repercussions in Brazil. In the third section, we analyze strategies adopted by firms linked to agro-business with the purpose of avoiding the use of child labor within their productive chains. Finally, we seek to understand the motivations that have led agro-businessmen to take part in the struggle against child labor. We conclude that firms linked to agro-business took up the project of combating child labor in virtue of the internationalization of children and adolescents' rights, the inclusion of social issues in international markets, the intensification of the fiscalization of public power, the growth of action around entrepreneurial social responsibility and increased consumer consciousness.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC