Estudio sobre la amplitud del movimiento articular de la rodilla en el proceso de marcha de niños con parálisis cerebral espástica

Introduction: To analyze the contribution of knee range of motion in walking of hemiplegic and diplegic children, considering their asymmetries. Material and method: Twelve children, 6 hemiplegics and 6 diplegics, from 7 to 12 years of age (9.5 ± 1.93) participated. Spasticity was assessed with the Ashworth's Modified Scale and the passive knee range of motion using an electrogoniometer. The task was to walk on an 8 m long walkway, using their preferred speed. Six attempts were made, three of which were on the right and three on the left sagittal planes. Results: The Mann-Whitney's U test found differences in the type of cerebral palsy for knee extension/hyperextension, for the relative angle of the knee at the load acceptance phase and for the knee range of motion during stride. The Wilcoxon's test revealed differences in hemibody for hemiplegics in the relative angle of the knee in acceptance of the load. Conclusions: Children with spastic cerebral palsy use compensation strategies between the lower limbs during walking. These strategies differed according to the type of cerebral palsy. The knee joint has an important function in those strategies, especially in the load acceptance and propulsion phases. © 2010 Elsevier España, S.L. y SERMEF. Todos los derechos reservados.

Polop: as origens, a coesão e a cisão de uma organização marxista (1961-1967)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

O Estado e a sociedade no Paraguai durante o governo do partido liberal (1904-1935)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Literatura, ensino e educação liberal

Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

Representações do político: a polarização democracia liberal versus totalitarismo nas páginas do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo (1937-1940)

Este artigo tem por finalidade discutir as relações políticas entre o grupo reunido em torno do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo e o governo autoritário de Getúlio Vargas instaurado em novembro de 1937, num momento em que a Europa se dividia entre países totalitários, de esquerda e de direita, e liberal-democráticos.

Indivíduo, liberdade e igualdade no pensamento liberal e em Marx

O presente artigo pretende realizar um breve balanço bibliográfico em tomo de algumas categorias do pensamento de Tocqueville, Stuart Mill e Bentham para confrontá-las com o pensamento de Marx e realizar, assim, uma reflexão sobre a política em cada um deles.

O Brasil e o novo desenvolvimentismo

The global economic scenario, from the late 1980s, it was predominantly marked by the hegemony of political and economic orthodoxy. The strength of a great political pact that brought together the financial sector, rentiers and the big capital, and had the Washington Consensus as base, induced countries to adopt liberalizing policies such as trade liberalization, privatization and deregulation. The failure of these policies, manifested in unemployment, external vulnerability and low growth has led to a change in economic direction, particularly after the election of President Lula. Amid this situation, we can see a reorientation of the role of the Brazilian state, in response to a movement of their own society organized to implement a new national strategy, with the state as a promoter of development. In this project of a new strategy, the state action becomes strategic and not systemic, turning to strengthen national companies in strategic sectors and internationally competitive. In this ongoing process of a new development strategy, we adopted the conceptualization of what Bresser-Pereira calls the new developmentalism.

Crise de hegemonia e emergência de novos atores na Bolívia: o governo de Evo Morales

The presidency of Evo Morales, indigenous leader and who heads the party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), opens a series of transformations in several dimensions. The changes in socio-economic and political power express the critic of long-term coloniality relations between a dominant white elite and an indigenous subordinate majority that deepens after national independence. Following this perspective, present in sectors of support to the government, the strategy of the MAS cannot follow the tradition of social revolutions that operated structural breaks in the mode of production and the state organization, but points to a new decolonizing revolution, cultural and political, articulating an indigenism of broad nature, flexible and open to popular social movements. This view is facing critics in sectors of the left that identify the renewal of capitalist modernization process initiated in 1952 under the leadership of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR), extending citizenship and democratizing access to the state for recognition of Indians as such. From this perspective, the transformations proposed by MAS tend to favor a system restoration by diversifying its economic and social base. From the contrast provided by these two lines of interpretation, we intend to analyze the structural possibilities of the strategy of the government of Evo Morales, taking as historical reference the transformations wrought by the nationalist revolution of 1952 and the neoliberal reforms initiated in 1980.