Dialética da diferença

The present article aims to discuss the theme of dialectical difference according to the concepts of critical theory. At first, the issue of the difference will be thinking about their negative reception that the production of stereotypes and prejudices on ethnicity, race and gender. In a second step, the subject will be treated on its positive reception, very common among social movements and leftist academic. In a third step, both types receive the difference will be problematized from the thought of Theodor Adorno in his Negative Dialectics as possible from mediation between universality and particularity empirical conceptual.

O movimento negro mineiro e a esfera pública: desafios e perspectivas para um Fórum Intergovernamental de promoção da igualdade racial

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

Relações Públicas e Cidadania: uma contribuição do Le Monde Diplomatique

As relações públicas podem construir uma informação e uma formulação da realidade, a partir da mídia, sem ser influenciado pelos grandes meios de comunicação de massa? Qual a relevância dessa maneira de se informar na conjuntura atual para o profissional de relações-públicas e como ele pode atuar em prol das causas sociais? O presente texto busca estabelecer parâmetros de atuação para os profissionais de relações públicas preocupados com as transformações sociais no mundo contemporâneo. Para chegar a tal objetivo estruturamos nossa análise a partir temáticas capazes de dar uma resposta à inquietação inicial. Realizamos a reconstituição da trajetória recente dos movimentos sociais no Brasil, procuramos esclarecer o conceito polissêmico de cidadania e direitos humanos, relacionando-os com a comunicação, assim como rever a trajetória das relações públicas na contemporaneidade levantando algumas hipóteses que contemplem novas perspectivas para a profissão. Dessa maneira, pretende-se mostrar a existência de um campo de atuação dialógica para os profissionais de comunicação abalizados pelo engajamento da transformação social

Formação da imagem do professor na Folha de S. Paulo durante a greve de 2010

The objective of this paper is to discuss the construction of the image of São Paulo state public schools teachers in the public sphere, by the media and the trade union press, and see how that image is formed in both of them, without making any comparisons, from the covering of 2010 strikes by newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and Jornal da Apeoesp. This paper uses as theoretical basis the study of Media Hegemony, the concept of Radical Media and Public Sphere, as well as the relationship between them and social movements. It also considers the observation of the history and characteristics of trade union press and the Standards of Manipulation by the Press, proposed by Perseu Abramo. The chosen method was the identification, selection and organization of stories about education published by Folha de S. Paulo during the period; the application of Abramo’s proposed manipulation standards on the stories about the strike; research, selection and observation of print publications (Jornal da Apeoesp and newsletters Apeoesp Urgente) about the strike, published by Apeoesp during the same period

Ideais sem fronteiras: o movimento estudantil no Brasil, Chile e Argentina

Não disponível

Educação em direitos humanos: cidadania ou emancipação humana?

This study aims to identify the horizon of emancipation in Human Rights Education, using the philosophy of praxis as a theoretical framework, basing on authors as Tonet, Losurdo, Marx, and Saviani and Duarte, taking as a privileged locus analysis of the Plan National Human Rights Education (PNEDH, 2007). The discussion about the historical development of the movement of the struggles for human rights was a starting point to indicate how, in general, these struggles have been developing since the context of bourgeois revolutions. From there we tried to discuss how the prospect of citizenship has been treated within the Rights Education, the latter being a reflection of social movements' struggles for rights from the year 1980. Situating this movement within a larger movement on the issue of education in Brazil in the twentieth century, we tried to discuss the flags such as citizenship, the strengthening of civil society and creating a culture of rights as a goal of emancipation. Seeking to differentiate between citizenship as political emancipation and human emancipation, was placed the imperative to take the citizenship as a mediator and not as an endpoint in order to equip a culture of struggle for a classless society without exploitation of man by man

Territorialização da empresa Vale S. A: populações atingidas e conflitos sócio-espaciais

The projects of the company Vale SA territorialization triggers a series of territorial determinations on local populations. This process denotes a situation of sociospatial conflicts between the affected people and the company, which occur in the material and symbolical scope. In the expansion of these conflicts is established the International Articulation of those Affected by Vale and the “Movimento de Soberania Popular Frente a Mineração” (MAM) which aims to promote communication and unification of the struggles between different social movements and populations on confrontation with the company. This project aims to examine how these conflicts are established in projects relating to mining operations in Brazil. The development starts from a mapping of the investments in the sector, identifying the major determinations territorial, the forms of organization of resistance, identifying who are the groups in conflict

Sindicalismo e meio ambiente: a participação da Central Única dos Trabalhadores nas Conferências Eco 92 e Rio +20

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A monopolização territorial e a (re) construção do território camponês em projetos de assentamento de reforma agrária

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A participação das mulheres nos movimentos agroecológico e feminista e a contribuição do jornal Brasil de Fato

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

Movimento estudantil: a juventude brasileira em 1968 e em 2008 a partir das ocupações da Universidade de Brasília

The hypothesis guiding this work is that the student movement of 1968, inserted into a scene of great social movements contrary to the present political system, showed great expression in its demonstrations even considering the fact that in a dictatorship there was significant intolerance of divergent views to the military regime, which, of the student movement of 2008, inserted into a scene of mobilizations contrary to the educational system and the corruption that permeated it. The aim of this study is to investigate the myths that permeate the image of students, through a comparison between the Brazilian student movement, highlighting the students at the University of Brasilia from 1968 to 2008, with the specific objective of analyzing if the student movement lost strength of mobilizing in support of their fight flags. The question may be answered from the youth of the 1960s characterized by revolutionary, in which the possible advances and retreats performed in 40 years of history of the student movement, which seems to have lost its revolutionary feature

Espanha e Brasil na construção da participação democrática: clivagens e consensos

The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

A construção da participação democrática na província da Catalunha (Espanha) e no Brasil: clivagens e consensos

The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

Políticas participativas e a nova literatura de análise de políticas públicas: novos horizontes para agenda de pesquisa

From the organization of social movements in the late 1960s to the institutionalization of participatory politics in the Brazilian Federal Constitution in 1998 , the research agenda on participatory institutions in Brazil was not only consolidated in the academic setting as been growing and diversifying in the past decades. The main objective of this paper is to put the most recent literature of policy process applied to studies of participatory institutions. This paper assumes that the public policy are multidisciplinary epistemological field of knowledge. Thus, it is through the explanation of some of his theories and models of the policy process analysis that we aims to show new perspectives for the research agenda on participatory institutions.

Crise de hegemonia e emergência de novos atores na Bolívia: o governo de Evo Morales

The presidency of Evo Morales, indigenous leader and who heads the party Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), opens a series of transformations in several dimensions. The changes in socio-economic and political power express the critic of long-term coloniality relations between a dominant white elite and an indigenous subordinate majority that deepens after national independence. Following this perspective, present in sectors of support to the government, the strategy of the MAS cannot follow the tradition of social revolutions that operated structural breaks in the mode of production and the state organization, but points to a new decolonizing revolution, cultural and political, articulating an indigenism of broad nature, flexible and open to popular social movements. This view is facing critics in sectors of the left that identify the renewal of capitalist modernization process initiated in 1952 under the leadership of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR), extending citizenship and democratizing access to the state for recognition of Indians as such. From this perspective, the transformations proposed by MAS tend to favor a system restoration by diversifying its economic and social base. From the contrast provided by these two lines of interpretation, we intend to analyze the structural possibilities of the strategy of the government of Evo Morales, taking as historical reference the transformations wrought by the nationalist revolution of 1952 and the neoliberal reforms initiated in 1980.