72 resultados para Gramscian hegemony


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Este artigo discute os argumentos da hegemonia dos Estados Uni­dos na Nova Ordem Mundial, destacando a percepção da América Latina e do Caribe. Também são abordados alguns dos aspectos que consideramos centrais na sua agenda hemisférica.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The aim of this article is to reflect on the relationship between the United States and China in the 21th. Century. By observing trends of economic, political and also military indicators, we can note that the trajectories of the United States and China tend to cross, with a relative decline of the first and the fast Chinese rise. This situation makes us believe to suppose the occurrence of possible dispute for world hegemony between the two countries in medium and long term. Because of this, we assume that the strategy of "A American Century in Asia-Pacific" fits in an attempt to test the Chinese commitment to "peaceful development" and its guarantee of maintaining the stability of international relations.

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It is only in his Prison Notebooks, through the political formula crystallized in the 'Modern Prince', that gramscian theory of the political party reaches its final configuration. Beyond to direct dialogue with the leninian formulations and those subsequently developed by the Communist International, is also noticeable echoes of critical dialogue with elitist sociology of the political party of Robert Michels. Largely, is thanks to this critical and nonsectarian approach that Gramsci could produce one of the most original reflection on the party organization within the Marxist tradition, facing the issues previously neglected of oligarchyzation and bureaucratization of workers' parties, thus providing a possible theoretical overrun for the inevitability of elitist thesis of split between the party leader's core interests and the interests of their social reference. The objective of this work is to restore some contributions of Gramsci to the reconstruction of theory of the revolutionary party today.

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The global economic scenario, from the late 1980s, it was predominantly marked by the hegemony of political and economic orthodoxy. The strength of a great political pact that brought together the financial sector, rentiers and the big capital, and had the Washington Consensus as base, induced countries to adopt liberalizing policies such as trade liberalization, privatization and deregulation. The failure of these policies, manifested in unemployment, external vulnerability and low growth has led to a change in economic direction, particularly after the election of President Lula. Amid this situation, we can see a reorientation of the role of the Brazilian state, in response to a movement of their own society organized to implement a new national strategy, with the state as a promoter of development. In this project of a new strategy, the state action becomes strategic and not systemic, turning to strengthen national companies in strategic sectors and internationally competitive. In this ongoing process of a new development strategy, we adopted the conceptualization of what Bresser-Pereira calls the new developmentalism.

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The aim of this text is to draft an answer to the following questions: What is the relationship between war and politics in Antonio Gramsci’s thought? How is it possible to make a relationship of war and politics according to Gramsci with Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz’s same themes? The main hypothesis of this article points to understand that war as a metaphor of politics approach – predominant point in Gramsci’s approach of war – has a broader meaning that war as an interstate conflict, which is Clausewitz’s concept. Although the war is connected with politics in both authors, interstate conflict has a stronger emphasis in clausewitzian sense and a wider sense of war as politics is found in gramscian approach.

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This text has the following aims: a) to discuss Gramsci and Horkheimer’s epistemological status, joined authors in an theoretical approach known as Critical Theory of International Relations; b) to draft an analysis in order to show the mentioned and joined authors’ different epistemological statuses in the theoretical approach in discussion; c) to begin a reflection pointing the absence of accuracy in this approach - whose beginning happened with Canadian political scientist Robert W. Cox – due to joining different epistemological statuses and ignoring the theoretical consequences put by respective central Gramsci and Horkheimer’s concepts: hegemony and emancipation.

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During the first years of the military dictatorship, established in Brazil through a coup d'État, a number of institutions which repression had left unarticulated began a process of resistance and opposition to the military government. Cultural resistance was one of the consecrated forms of resistance that was exercised by intellectuals, artists, professors and cultural producers, among others, and that became an unprecedented political and cultural phenomenon in the country's history. Political, insofar as it aided in the process of re-organizing left-wing political parties and in the revision of the ideological postulates of its preeminent party, the PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - Brazilian Communist Party). Cultural, because this re-organization occurred, frequently, within the ambit of cultural productions, in which the left created a space for contestation and engagement through the arts and intellectual activities. Within this process, between the years 1965 and 1968. The journal Civilização Brasileira became an important space for the building of leftist cultural resistance against the military dictatorship. The journal was able to impose its political legitimacy while at the same time participating actively in a market o cultural goods sustained by the so-called cultural hegemony of the left.

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The objective of this paper is to discuss the construction of the image of São Paulo state public schools teachers in the public sphere, by the media and the trade union press, and see how that image is formed in both of them, without making any comparisons, from the covering of 2010 strikes by newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and Jornal da Apeoesp. This paper uses as theoretical basis the study of Media Hegemony, the concept of Radical Media and Public Sphere, as well as the relationship between them and social movements. It also considers the observation of the history and characteristics of trade union press and the Standards of Manipulation by the Press, proposed by Perseu Abramo. The chosen method was the identification, selection and organization of stories about education published by Folha de S. Paulo during the period; the application of Abramo’s proposed manipulation standards on the stories about the strike; research, selection and observation of print publications (Jornal da Apeoesp and newsletters Apeoesp Urgente) about the strike, published by Apeoesp during the same period

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The objective of this work is to compare how manifests the ideological positioning in the hegemonic media productions, according to Gramsci's conception, in relation to the radical alternative media, proposed by John Downing. The research has as opinionated content sample printed newspaper O Estado de s. Paulo, contrasting with the expressions of NON-PROFIT bauruense environmental “Instituto Ambiental Vidágua on the proposals of the new Brazilian forest Code. The analysis will hold in an interval between the adoption of the code by the Chamber of deputies in April 2012, and the provisional measure of President Dilma Rousseff with 32 modifications, after vetoing 12 articles proposed initially in may 2012. To support the study, will be crafted Gramsci hegemony; What is the alternative and radical media as it manifests itself; the relationship between the environmental journalism with the environmental NGOs; opinionated journalism and journalistic genres opinionated; theories of journalism and framing of matter

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This project aims to study the influence of information technology in the construction of new forms of citizenship. A large space as possible by the Internet allows the emergence of alternative news sources, as opposed to the means of mass communication. The research will take from the study of the news portal Choike.org. Maintained by civil society representatives, the website has a proposal to address topics that are infrequent in the media hegemony. To facilitate the study, we established a cut. Let's look at five bulletins Choike.org portal between the years 2005 and 2010 that address the issue of agrarian reform in Latin America, especially in Brazil. The issue is discussed by the media in general, however has more emphasis between the means of alternative journalism. For Choike.org portal, agrarian reform this intrinsically linked to social development. Therefore, this analysis seeks to highlight the role of new technologies as an important tool to aid discussion of the issue in the media as having specific focus to the issue of land reform

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation in Latin America as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices of the “Third World “, i.e. originating from the educational experience of Latin America, Africa and Asia. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss the Latin American school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to intellectual and educational organization working in the “field schools” in Cuba (1960-1975). The issue of “intellectual and organizational culture”, in a Gramscian perspective (Gramsci, 2000), was addressed in several papers throughout our academic career (Villela, 2003, 2008, 2009-2010). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and rural youth in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the education field, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices originating from the educational experience of Brasil and Cuba. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to intellectual and educational organization working in the field schools in Cuba (1960-1975). The issue of intellectual and organizational culture, in a Gramscian perspective (Gramsci, 2000), was addressed in several papers throughout our academic career (Villela, 2003, 2008, 2009). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and rural youth in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the education field, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation in Latin America as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices of the "Third World ", i.e. originating from the educational experience of Latin America, Africa and Asia. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss the Latin American school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to “intellectuals and the organization of culture” in "schools in the countryside" in Cuba (1960- 1975). The issue of "intellectuals and the organization of culture", in a gramscian perspective (GRAMSCI, 2000), was addressed in several works throughout our academic career (VILLELA, 2003; 2008; 2009-2010). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and youth of the field in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the schools in the countryside, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.