Terrorismo e insegurança no mundo pós 11 de setembro

Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

História ambiental no Brasil: o percurso historiográfico de Warren Dean

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Sanções econômicas internacionais

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O estado beligerante: um estudo da formação do conceito na obra de Fred J. Cook e de Herbert Marcuse

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A política dos Estados Unidos de combate ao narcotráfico e o plano Colômbia (1998-2005)

O artigo analisa a política norte-americana de combate ao narcotráfico no pós-Guerra Fria e o advento do Plano Colômbia. São examinados os principais aspectos dessa política externa dos EUA para a América Latina, em especial para a Colômbia. Também são abordadas as alianças estratégicas entre o governo colombiano e o governo norte-americano em torno do Plano Colômbia.

A política externa dos Estados Unidos e a trajetória do desenvolvimento cubano

O artigo analisa as características do desenvolvimento da economia cubana após a revolução de 1959, destacando os seguintes aspectos: a) o nível de interferência representado pela política externa dos Estados Unidos; b) de que maneira a opção pelo modelo econômico e político adotado por Cuba possibilitou o desencadeamento da crise atual e afetou a capacidade de enfrentá-la; c) que perspectivas se abrem para as relações com os Estados Unidos após o fim da Guerra Fria.

A nova ordem hegemônica e a governabilidade nas américas

Este artigo discute os argumentos da hegemonia dos Estados Uni­dos na Nova Ordem Mundial, destacando a percepção da América Latina e do Caribe. Também são abordados alguns dos aspectos que consideramos centrais na sua agenda hemisférica.

Lentes de gênero para as missões de paz: desconstrução de discursos e reflexões sobre práticas generificadas

Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

Wilsonismo e mudanca: analise da abordagem wilsoniana na politica externa das administracoes Bill Clinton e George W. Bush

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Segurança na América Latina: cenários e perspectivas

In the post Cold War period, in the security field, has increased the mechanisms of cooperation and coordination among the Latin American states, in the context of so called confidence-building measures. These arrangements presented as important and efficient tools of political-strategic articulation and assist in the maintenance of peace in the region. The paper presents some considerations about the current scenario in terms of security and defense in Latin America. Initially, presents concepts of security and defense and perceptions of threats by the states. Then, discusses the mechanisms of cooperation and coordination in security have been established on the American continent in the periods of the Cold War and post Cold War. Finally, presents considerations regarding the scenario and the prospects of security issues in the region.

Regimes Militares e a Segurança Nacional no Cone Sul

The implantation of military regimes in South America, from the mid-1960s, happened in the context of the Cold War. As a result, both the occurrence of military coups and the plans and actions for the national defense of the Southern Cone States occurred following the logic of that period and the concept of hemispheric defense preached by the United States, with priority in combating the so-called internal subversion. Thus, the need to combat the “internal enemy” has led these countries to participate in hemispheric mechanisms or create his own arrangements for coordination. The article starts from the conflict hypothesis used by the military governments in their military planning to analyze the actions carried out against leftist movements, including coordination between the governments of the Southern Cone. The understanding of the defense concepts against Soviet communism allows us to understand that the groups placed against the military governments were seen as a danger to the State and, in that “state of war”, the means justified the ends.

As dimensões internacionais das políticas brasileiras de combate ao tráfico de drogas na década de 1990

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A United States Information Agency e sua ação no Brasil de 1953 a 1964

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Espanha e Brasil na construção da participação democrática: clivagens e consensos

The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

A construção da participação democrática na província da Catalunha (Espanha) e no Brasil: clivagens e consensos

The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.