41 resultados para Slave insurrections
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Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS
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Pós-graduação em Linguística e Língua Portuguesa - FCLAR
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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE
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A introdução de negros submetidos ao cativeiro na Capitania de Mato Grosso decorreu da descoberta das minas de Cuiabá. A crise da mineração deslocou os capitais utilizados na mineração para outros setores, ou seja, Mato Grosso passava, no começo do século XIX, por uma fase de transição da economia mineradora para a agropastoril. Nesse período, uma onda povoadora oriunda de Minas Gerais e São Paulo, alcançou o núcleo de Sant’Ana do Paranaíba e dali se expandiu para grande parte do sudeste do antigo Mato Grosso, valendo-se amplamente do braço escravizado para suas incursões, apossamentos e desenvolvimento econômico. Este texto busca compreender as relações escravistas em Sant’Ana de Paranaíba, bem como o papel do escravo naquela sociedade.
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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Injustice and power according to Noam Chomsky. In the beginning of the Politics, Aristotle establishes the two lesser forms of sociability: the relationships between man and woman and between master and the slave. In this context, he observes that “Hellenes are natural masters of barbarians” and the reason is that Greeks know philosophy and barbarians still resort to violence (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1252a.). Shortly after defines “just war” as a war that has a fair cause, that is, which is well justified by philosophy or a fair speech (ARISTOTLE, Politics, 1255a.). This scene briefly expresses the manner in which the USA understands their role in the contemporary world. Chomsky points out the political use of massive military force of his country and denounces how it articulates internally and externally. He affirms that politics is excessively submitted to “ideology”, to doxa, as opposed to natural sciences. His militancy, thus, only advocates freedom and unrestricted right to information. In Camelot, the Kennedy years (1993), for example, the MIT’s professor collects information from congressmen’s speeches and government officials and from secret documents made public and he explicits the methods and actions of the US government. Thereby he can conclude that the US has, for historical reasons, an internal posture that is advocate or contrary to what they imposes to other countries. Power and justice on the one hand, force and injustice on the other –according to their own political discourse.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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The spatial formation of Rio Claro city preserves several features of the problematic transition from the slave to remunerated labor in the late 20th, when the tacit ethnic bipolar sociability standard emerged, imprinting “black” and “white” forms to the city’s urban space. The ethnic social clubs José do Patrocínio and Tamoio, are two objects of ethnic groups’ exclusive use. Such ethnic social clubs indicate the existence of conflicts in their formation, as well as in their present existence, they are forms that preserve in themselves the codes and histories of the local black movement’s fight for their rights and for an autonomous place in the local society. In the present context the spaces are increasingly subjected to commercial interests and the spirits are embedded in confusion. What is the value of these spaces for the subjects who built them? The versions and narratives from oral accounts will allow us to understand the existing dimensions in the relation between the places and the memory, evidencing the importance of the patrimony and the patrimonial policies to the cities in the present historical period of geographic space globalization