Portugal e o iberismo na sociologia política brasileira: miscigenação, patriarcalismo e centralização

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A sociologia de Gilberto Freyre e a educação para a saúde

No contexto reavaliador dos escritos de Gilberto Freyre, pouco tem sido abordado das idéias deste autor no referente à compreensão do Homem como uma entidade ao mesmo tempo biológica e cultural. Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as principais propostas freyrianas no campo da sociologia da medicina e, na sequência, avaliar as possibilidades de aplicação dessas idéias nas iniciativas voltadas para a educação para a saúde.

Paulo Egídio e a sociologia criminal em São Paulo

Este artigo discute a trajetória intelectual e política de Paulo Egídio. Autor praticamente esquecido pelos trabalhos que reconstituem a história do pensamento social no Brasil, Paulo Egídio foi um importante divulgador da sociologia entre o final do século XIX e o início do século XX em São Paulo, tendo produzido uma obra pioneira sobre Durkheim e desenvolvido cursos livres da disciplina. O artigo busca também apresentar alguns aspectos de sua atividade política como senador nos primeiros momentos da República, quando teve destacada participação no debate sobre a criação de uma rede de instituições de controle social e, em particular, sobre a construção de uma nova penitenciária para o estado de São Paulo.

Estudos de gênero: uma sociologia feminista?

Este artigo faz uma breve reflexão das implicações políticas e científicas dos estudos de gêneronão só com o objetivo de resgatar o seu lugar legítimo na construção de uma sociologia de gênero e/ou feminista, como de re-lembrar a sua não-neutralidade mostrando como eles emergiram de um diálogo do movimento social com as teorias. Discute-se parte desse diálogo e pontuam-se as inovações conceituais que eles propiciaram às Ciências Sociais.

Para onde caminha a ciência politica?

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the challenges to Political Sciences at the moment when many authors emphasize the usage of democratic paradigm as the only way to the rational building of speech in pluralist societies. At the end of one century of the consolidation of modern liberal thought, both in right and left versions (Wallerstein, 1995), the democracy as research tradition(Ball, 1987) fades away its ethical meaning, based upon equality and freedom, and lacks room for discussions about rules for implementing it. The analytical method seeks to historically rebuild the different levels of modern state-nation upbringing and the consolidation of competitive party democracy in the 20th century, which is the explanation key for the political organizational phenomenon of globalized societies. The result of this analysis opens new perspectives to Political Sciences advance in discussing the nature of democratic paradigm since it needs to face challenges to survive, such as: the fight against the structural violence of our society; the fight against despotism; and the adjustment to the meaning of the word freedom. The facing of the mentioned challenges may open explanation keys that will lead to a change in Political Sciences ways.

Gramsci e a emancipação do subalterno

In his Prison Notebooks, Gramsci worked with the notion of subaltern classes and groups, a concept that has been incorporated by the Social Sciences and current Historiography. Correlatedly, problems of common sense, folklore and religion are presented. It is important to raise the question of the theoretical and political implications of Gramsci's elaborations, contextualizing them within the entirety of his theoretical and political production, even if only to contest the common uses of the concept and their real relationship to Gramsci, or to examine to what extent this author can be considered relevant for interpretations of the conditions of social struggle in contemporary capitalism. © 2008 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

A relação entre modernização neoliberal e práticas políticas atrasadas no Brasil dos anos 1990

Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

Justiça penal autoritária e consolidação do estado punitivo no Brasil

The Brazilian democratic transition, still underway today, has run up against enormous difficulty in incorporating penal action. Or, put in yet stronger terms, we could say that the boundaries of democratization processes, delineated through the action of that sector of the State, reveal the possibility that the juridical field remains immune to democratizing change. Although prevailing discourse among law professionals asserts that Penal Justice is undergoing democratization, what we have observed in practice is a strong resistance within the juridical field to assuming political responsibilities within the consolidation of democracy. This article reports analyses and conclusions formulated through observation of the Brazilian penal justice system that gave origin to the thesis entitled Penal Justice in Brazil today: democratic discourse, authoritarian practice. The research sought to reflect on contemporary criminal justice policy, which has been guided by the widening of repression and the continued use of incarceration. Such policy, carried out in Brazil since the beginning of the 1985 political opening has adjusted itself to the liberal project that is also currently underway in the country, as well as in almost the entire Western capitalist world. As we can observe, Penal Justice, even during the execution of sentences, operates in authoritarian and exclusive ways, suppressing the rights guaranteed by law to those who have been sentenced and adopting extremely repressive forms as demonstrated by the extremely sparse benefits that it concedes. Thus, in Brazil, criminality has generally been responded through severe sentences, reflected in the absence of guarantees of constitutional rights and ample recourse to incarceration. In this vein, our contemporary democratic governments have frequently adopted a punitive stance that seeks to reaffirm the State's aptitudes for punishing and controlling criminality. © 2009 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

Crônica política sobre um documento contra a ditabranda

This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.

O Agronegócio e o problema do trabalho infantil

This article attempts to identify and analyze the motives that led several sectors of agro-business to engage in the struggle for the eradication of child labor in Brazil, as launched by international organizations for the defense of children's and adolescents' rights. It is our hypothesis that economic globalization and the internationalization of children's rights have given visibility to the problem of child labor, thus demanding the mobilization of entrepreneurial sectors linked to agro-business productive chains in Brazil. The article is divided into four inter-related sections. In the first one, we attempt to provide evidence for the interference of social and labor problems within the ambit of the economic activities of the agro-business sector, within the current context of globalization. This is followed by a study of major UN, UNICEF and ILO investments to internalize children's rights and policies to combat child labor, giving salience to their repercussions in Brazil. In the third section, we analyze strategies adopted by firms linked to agro-business with the purpose of avoiding the use of child labor within their productive chains. Finally, we seek to understand the motivations that have led agro-businessmen to take part in the struggle against child labor. We conclude that firms linked to agro-business took up the project of combating child labor in virtue of the internationalization of children and adolescents' rights, the inclusion of social issues in international markets, the intensification of the fiscalization of public power, the growth of action around entrepreneurial social responsibility and increased consumer consciousness.

Do coronelismo ao neo-coronelismo: um estudo sobre a ascensão, a queda e o ressurgimento de Antônio Lorenzetti Filho

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A sociologia contemporânea na sala de aula: (re)pensando algumas perspectivas para o ensino das ciências sociais no ensino médio

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Obstáculos epistemológicos à integralização das problemáticas sócio-ambientais em Sociologia

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC