108 resultados para Civil society


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Cet article est fondé sur le concept de société civile développé par le marxiste Antonio Gramsci et propose un dialogue critique avec les autres idées de la société civile qui, de nos jours, cherchent à s'affirmer dans le panorama politique et culturel. Nous nous fondons sur le fait d'être passé, au cours des dernières décennies, d'une idée de société civile prioritairement politique-publique, scène de luttes démocratiques et de nouvelles hégémonies, vers une image qui transforme la société civile soit en ressource de gestion ­ un arrangement de la société destiné à rendre possible différents genres spécifiques de politiques publiques ­ soit en un facteur de reconstruction étique et dialogique de la vie sociale. L'incorporation de l'idée de participation au langage de planification a déplacé la société civile de son champs principal (celui de l'organisation de nouvelles hégémonies) vers un espace de coopération et de gestion de la crise. Par ailleurs, l'expansion de l'activisme social, dans un cadre de crise politique de l'État et de la démocratie représentative a poussé vers la recherche d'une autre «place» à partir de laquelle il serait possible d'établir et de répandre de nouvelles postulations éthiques et de nouvelles procédures collectives. D'une phase où le marxisme était prépondérant et laissait sa marque, nous sommes entrés dans une phase dans laquelle la perspective libérale, affirmée de façon orthodoxe ou nuancée, prévaut et opère comme principale référence.

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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

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Este artigo discute o desenvolvimento dos conceitos democracia e sociedade civil, no Brasil dos anos 70. Defende a premissa de que seu início foi fortemente marcado por intelectuais acadêmicos de matriz marxista. Aponta que foi possível desenvolverem-se esses conceitos por uma vertente da dependência estrutural e da concepção de Estado burocrático-autoritário.

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Hegel stresses in his “Philosophy of Right” that the intention of the text is to offer elemnts in order to reckon a State as such and not to say how it should be. One of these elements is that the State founds and sustains the moments that precede and constitute it. In this way the family as much as the bourgeois civil society have their basis in something that results from them, i.e., the State but according to Hegel this result is already present at the very beginning of both family and the bourgeois civil society. The State promotes the overcoming of both of them. The aim of this essay is to consider the relationship between the State and the bourgeois civil society trying mainly to show how Hegel understands the bourgeois civil society and also identifying the perils for a State in the hands of the bourfeois civil society. For Hegel the greatest peril is the submission of the State to the interst as something of the common interest to the interest as common and to assume it as the rule for life within it.

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The questions that guide this article deal with the nation-State configuration and civil society organization, as well as the contours of the relation between both in the globalization context. As a qualitative change of internationalization, globalization brings to the social sciences field the discussion about its social impacts and the problematization about extinction of State. Thus, the article is guided by the debate between determined authors that deal with the analysis about new strategies of the State action, in order to understand where national States go, seeking to adapt themselves to the new context of Capital globalization.

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During a long historical process of over a century, the trade union movement gathered a significant amount of achievements. The limits and the extent of these achievements cannot be dissociated form the complex relations between State and civil society in Brazil.

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The text aims to show how Social Watch alternative site contributes to the construction of world citizenship to publish proposals for non-governmental organizations (NGOs), identified with groups excluded from traditional means of mass communication. The structure of the site is analyzed and studied in depth one of its publications, the Bulletin of August 2014, using some resources from the methodology of the framing and content analysis. The analysis shows that, in fact, the site is presented as place where civil society can express themselves and collect public power projects and proposals to increase the global citizenship.

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The Information Society (IS) may be taken as a geopolitical organization which started after the Third Industrial Revolution, having direct impact on the use of information and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). The expression arose as techno-social paradigm change in the post-industrial society, aiming to use information as currency to the society-in-progress at that time. In Brazil it has become stronger with the Programa Sociedade da Informação no Brasil-Livro Verde, lunched by the Ministerio da Ciência e Tecnologia, in September 2000 without any discussion with the civil society to formulate the main document. Our main goal in this article is to discuss the Information Society in contemporary times, and also the organized and conscious use of information, looking for key-concepts to a better understanding of it, from some topics as digital inclusion-exclusion to the use of digital informational resources.

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Durante o governo FHC buscou-se substituir a agenda reativa da política externa brasileira, dominada pela lógica da autonomia pela distância, por uma nova agenda internacional proativa, determinada pela lógica da autonomia pela integração. Segundo essa agenda, o país deveria ampliar o poder de controle sobre o seu destino e resolver seus problemas com uma adesão ativa à elaboração das normas e das pautas de conduta da gestão da ordem mundial. No entanto, essa política de integração, adesão e participação não foi plenamente acompanhada de tomadas de posições que implicassem responsabilidades práticas, em virtude de debilidades estruturais. As responsabilidades teriam como função preparar tanto o governo como a sociedade civil para uma inserção internacional de perfil mais elevado no pós-Guerra Fria. Os ganhos ocorridos nos governos FHC não foram suficientes para alterar significativamente o peso brasileiro no contexto mundial.

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Neste artigo discute-se o trabalho com valores em Educação Ambiental, o que exige uma fundamentação e posicionamento adequados. Diante do impasse entre posições relativistas e universalistas para a educação em valores, aponta-se para a necessidade de explicitar nossa posição e ação em favor dos valores ambientalmente desejáveis, considerando que as questões envolvidas com o meio ambiente dizem respeito à vida e à sobrevivência de todos os seres do planeta. Estes valores podem ser identificados junto aos princípios presentes no Tratado de educação global para sociedades sustentáveis e responsabilidade global, apresentado pela sociedade civil na ECO-92. Por fim, ressalta-se a necessidade de se desenvolverem estratégias educativas que envolvam as dimensões aqui denominadas de cognição, afetividade e ação, resultando em um trabalho abrangente, que amplie as possibilidades de o indivíduo apreender, de maneira mais efetiva, um dado valor, tendo, então, melhores condições de construí-lo em sua vida.

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The end of the authoritarian regime in Brazil resulted in new forms of democratization of politics and its institutions, with the strenghtening of the civil society. The Participatory Budgeting is an important experience of that new way, characterized by the assumption of the new responsibilities by the local governments. The comparative approach of those experiences, conducted from different party coalitions - in Piracicaba (1989-1992) and in Santa Bárbara d'Oeste (1997-2000) -, allows a test of their powers and limits from a procedural conception of democracy and the complementary role of the participation. In contrast to a view that gives priority to representation, the analysis discusses the range of the new civil society actions from the perspective of the democratization process in the scope of the Local Government. © 2007 CEDEC.

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The Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration attempted to replace a reactive foreign policy agenda dominated by a logic of autonomy through distance with a proactive international agenda guided by a logic of autonomy through integration. In adopting this agenda, the administration maintained that Brazil would be able to confront its problems and secure more control over its future if it actively contributed to elaborating the norms and guidelines of the administration of the global order. Because of structural weaknesses, however, this policy of integration, adherence, and participation was not adequately accompanied by positions entailing practical responsibilities - responsibilities that would have prepared both government and civil society for a higher profile in the post - cold-war era. In the end, the gains achieved during Cardoso's tenure failed to alter Brazil's international standing in any significant way. © 2007 Latin American Perspectives.

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC