5 resultados para social boundaries

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This study aims to understand how facing a context of Constant interaction whit the local population, the gypsies family Alves dos Santos, neighborhood residentes in uptown, Limoeiro do Norte Ce, maintain a sense of ethnic belonging. To that end, I analyze both the social relations between Gypsies and non-gypsies community, as it is from the contact that the social boundaries are delineated, as the discourses and social representations that are used to qualify them from stigma. So, I found that grounded in the notion of family, gypsies are seen as a group, searching the history / past nomadic origing and blood common elements that underlie its condition, and the language a cultural trait that makes it possible to establish objective distinctions among gypsies and other community residentes, becoming thus a diacritical mark.

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Currently in the social sciences the question of self-identity and its meanings, absorb as a central objective aspects that concern analysis of an imaginary (re) constructed from processes of identity affirmation. Ethnic discourse in the consolidation of social boundaries (re) assemble a social policy apparatus able to claim their belongings concerning his ancestry, as well as the interpretation of the meanings given to their territory by any group. This dissertation work is the result of an ethnographic study undertaken with the residents of the Community Maloca, Vargas located in the neighborhood adjacent to the commercial center in Aracaju - SE. Since February 2007 the group is certified by FCP - Palmares Cultural Foundation as a lasting community, while it is part of a special gift for being an urban center, varying from the majority of that remaining Maroons in their contexts, outcrops and specific land rural. It focuses on the work process of territorial formation of the hut, and the arrival of their first actors, contextualizing the process of legitimation refers to the territory they live, as well as the various narratives that (re) construct the time he lived, the relations kinship, conflict, the process of self-affirmation as runaways and the relationship of belonging with their living space / living contained in the imaginary city of Aracaju. Attempts are made to the opportunity to understand the meanings that affirm their ethnicity, parallel group for the pursuit of effective policies and guarantee of constitutional rights in the urban context.

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace