7 resultados para comunista

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This work studies the dispute by Party Communist s memory in Brazil during and after division which it resulted in the appearance of two parties entitled communists, in the brazilian political context, in the final of the fifties and beginning of the sixties: the Brazilian Communist Party (in Portuguese, Partido Comunista Brasileiro) and the Communist Party of Brazil (in portuguese, Partido Comunista do Brasil). Along of yours three chapters, the author tries to answer some questions as: what were the elements which constituted the Communist Party s memory, in the period from 1922 to 1956? At which moment did this memory pass to be fiercely contested? Who and which documents reveal this? How did it happen the dispute by this memory? The approach to topic consider which the production of memory by Communist Party and the dispute for your possession by communists of PCB and of PCdoB happened in scope of national reality and of party, spaces notions understand from concept of memory developed for authors as Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack and Pierre Nora. To explain the objectives of historical research it has used as methodology the exam and the interpretation of documentary and bibliographical sources, with priority for the party s documents then it was depicted a collective interpretation about the events considered more importants. The sites of Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br or vermelho.org.br) and of Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) also went consulted

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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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The purpose of this work is to analyze the influence of the Catholic Church on rural worker s union in the Seridó potiguar region between 1964 to 1979. To the work developed by the Church is connected the beginning of worker s union in the Seridó region. In this way, this research tries to understand what is also the politic direction of the labor s union by means of the Cathólic Church that througt a process of creating Leagues have been looking for reinforcing and protecting catholicism as a way of maintaining its believers and distancing them from others movements such as Peasant League and the influence of Brazilian Communist Party. We use as sources oral narratives and newspaper A Folha , wich was published by the Parish Church of Caicó (RN) between 1954 to 1967. Some wrintten documents produced by worker s union from the Seridó region were also used

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The main goal of this work is analyze the way which the Natal City Prefecture was constructed as a place of subversion by those we call defenders of the order, in the period right after the outbreak of military coup in 1964. To reach it, the main resource of search was the Relatório Subversão no Rio Grande do Norte , document produced from the investigations realized in Natal City Prefecture as a result of the Commission of Inquiry s work, established by the governor Aluízio Alves to determine the subversion in Rio Grande do Norte s society. Based on the anti-comunist speech. That document introduces other image of the Prefecture, which activities developed by de second Djalma Maranhão administration (1961-1964), specially those developed in the educational area, as the campaign De Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler , were considered subversive , communist , dangerous , threatening , names that served as backing to embed Natal City Prefecture in the general view about subversion existing in Rio Grande do Norte, according to the repression speech in this initial period of military regime. Key-words: 1964 Military Coup Natal City Prefecture

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The Brazilian Northeast has been a constant subject for journalists of one of the world's leading media companies - The New York Times - between 1933 and 1945. This time, the US government implemented a new foreign policy for Latin America - known as the Good Neighbor Policy. It preached, various points including more respect and attention to the countries south of U.S. borders. Because of her geostrategic importance, Brazil was one of the countries that received the most attention of the bureaucracy and American press. This study investigates the multiple Northeast representations formulated in The New York Times' pages when the Americans were spotlight is on the region. It delineates similarities and differences between the NYT, the press and the governments of the United States and Brazil from the ways of conceiving this particular part of Brazil. Through the analysis of texts, photographs and maps, it is dedicated to establish connections between spaces, press and politics of the 1930s and 1940s. These decades there were relevant changes in the political landscape of both countries that permeated the news, reports and articles of NYT. Circumstances such as the 1935 armed uprisings - known as Communist Conspiracy - the installation and operation of the New State, and especially the Brazilian and US participation in World War II and the bilateral negotiations on the installation of US bases in Brazil were cardinal for the various Northeast images that circulated in the publication. The region was repeatedly subject of correspondent of the New York newspaper in Brazil, Frank M. Garcia, but also present on matters of professionals responsible for various sections: review of books, publishing, tourism, foreign affairs, etc. Along the investigated period, the visions of the region made in the articles published in the newspaper that suffered major metamorphoses. Starting with Northeast of the drought, famine and death recurrent in Brazilian literature to the most dangerous point for hemispheric defense, passing through representations of the American West lawless nineteenth century and the Latin America marked by the dominance of exotic nature and stagnation, a space to be transformed by the US technical knowledge.

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The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.