Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Conto com o seu voto: marketing político eleitoral no primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2010

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

Rejeição e voto em eleição contemporânea: um estudo de caso da eleição à prefeitura do município de Natal/RN (2012)

Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

O voto e seus enigmas: A dimensão subjetiva das escolhas eleitorais

Ce travail analyse la portée subjective des Choix Électoraux à travers la notion psychanalytique du désarroi humain. Nous avons développé cette recherche ayant pour référence la pensée de Freud et de Lacan et suivant les jalons posés par les penseurs des sciences sociales nous nous sommes rapprochées de la réalité sociale pour y « atteindre sur son horizon la subjectivité de notre époque ». La condition de désarroi fait partie de la structuration du sujet, du fait qu il dépend entièrement de l Autre pour se construire. Cependant l être humain se crée des mécanismes pour se protéger du désarroi absolu, il trouve des arts de vivre qui lui rendent plus facile sa condition d être. Les idéaux, les pactes sociaux ce sont des modalités de sécurité sans lesquelles le sujet fixe ses particularités sans s engager dans le processus civilisatoire. Nous caractérisons la société contemporaine par la chute successive d une série d idéaux qui fait monter de plus en plus le désarroi. Dans l absence d idéaux sociaux et politiques sur lesquels l électeur puisse se repérer, nous remaquons une tendance vers l individualisme et vers l absence d investissements dans des projets colectifs. Cette façon d opérer se dévoile aussi au moment de choisir un candidat, ce qui se base sur la logique du particulier motivée par des perspectives individuelles, sans liens avec la promotion de la vie publique. Notre enquête a été réalisée à Natal durant la campagne électorale de 2002. Notre objectif est de comprendre surtout la logique des choix électoraux de la population de la périphérie, celle qui se trouve devant un double désarroi : celle de sa condition humaine et celle qu advient de la précaire condition de subsistance. Nous soutenons que l idée selon laquelle le candidat, par la position qu il occupe dans la société, détient la fonction d offrir quelques garanties à l électeur et de cette manière il entre dans la série de ce qui peut soulager et promouvoir un certain réconfort aux personnes, même si l on considère le fait que l électeur ne croit plus à ses représentants. Nous sommes partis des questions suivantes: comment identifier la dimension subjective des choix électoraux et de quelle manière celle-ci se manifeste-t-elle de nos jours ? Comment se passe le choix éléctoral de la population qui est à la marge du système? La thèse que nous soutenons est que l état de désarroi est un substrat subjectif qui est la base de tout choix éléctoral mais qui se configure de façon différenciée à partir des références de l électeur, de son contexte historique, des facteurs économiques, etc. Le sujet, face à son désarroi, construit des chemins pour pouvoir soutenir son existence ce que nous appellons ici un Projet Directionnel. Ce facteur directionnel est l un des éléments de motivation des électeurs dans leurs choix électoraux

Democracia brasileira: fortalecimento da participação popular

A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.