6 resultados para VOTO - INVESTIGACIONES - CHILE

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

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Ce travail analyse la portée subjective des Choix Électoraux à travers la notion psychanalytique du désarroi humain. Nous avons développé cette recherche ayant pour référence la pensée de Freud et de Lacan et suivant les jalons posés par les penseurs des sciences sociales nous nous sommes rapprochées de la réalité sociale pour y « atteindre sur son horizon la subjectivité de notre époque ». La condition de désarroi fait partie de la structuration du sujet, du fait qu il dépend entièrement de l Autre pour se construire. Cependant l être humain se crée des mécanismes pour se protéger du désarroi absolu, il trouve des arts de vivre qui lui rendent plus facile sa condition d être. Les idéaux, les pactes sociaux ce sont des modalités de sécurité sans lesquelles le sujet fixe ses particularités sans s engager dans le processus civilisatoire. Nous caractérisons la société contemporaine par la chute successive d une série d idéaux qui fait monter de plus en plus le désarroi. Dans l absence d idéaux sociaux et politiques sur lesquels l électeur puisse se repérer, nous remaquons une tendance vers l individualisme et vers l absence d investissements dans des projets colectifs. Cette façon d opérer se dévoile aussi au moment de choisir un candidat, ce qui se base sur la logique du particulier motivée par des perspectives individuelles, sans liens avec la promotion de la vie publique. Notre enquête a été réalisée à Natal durant la campagne électorale de 2002. Notre objectif est de comprendre surtout la logique des choix électoraux de la population de la périphérie, celle qui se trouve devant un double désarroi : celle de sa condition humaine et celle qu advient de la précaire condition de subsistance. Nous soutenons que l idée selon laquelle le candidat, par la position qu il occupe dans la société, détient la fonction d offrir quelques garanties à l électeur et de cette manière il entre dans la série de ce qui peut soulager et promouvoir un certain réconfort aux personnes, même si l on considère le fait que l électeur ne croit plus à ses représentants. Nous sommes partis des questions suivantes: comment identifier la dimension subjective des choix électoraux et de quelle manière celle-ci se manifeste-t-elle de nos jours ? Comment se passe le choix éléctoral de la population qui est à la marge du système? La thèse que nous soutenons est que l état de désarroi est un substrat subjectif qui est la base de tout choix éléctoral mais qui se configure de façon différenciée à partir des références de l électeur, de son contexte historique, des facteurs économiques, etc. Le sujet, face à son désarroi, construit des chemins pour pouvoir soutenir son existence ce que nous appellons ici un Projet Directionnel. Ce facteur directionnel est l un des éléments de motivation des électeurs dans leurs choix électoraux

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This work aims at studying the policies of teaching training and their impact in the actors and in the education systems of the countries in which these policies were implemented into the context of neoliberal reforms. We particularly studied these policies in three Latin America countries: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The policies studied here are the ones implemented from the 90 s. However, the horizon of this study is at the beginning of the 80 s, period that starts one of the four intervention initiatives of education here studied: The Main Project of Education For Latin America and Caribbean (PROMEDLAC), which in 2002 goes into a new stage and it is called Regional Project of Education for Latin America and Caribbean (PRELAC), worked out by UNESCO as a request of government representatives of countries of the region, based on the suggestions of Declaration of Mexico , signed by them in 1979. These suggestions will be in the base of the other three initiatives: The Education For All (EPT); Ibero-American Conferences of Education (CIE) and The Hemisphere Action Plan of Education (PAHE), whose documents are the base to the production of an abundant legislation and normatization on education that created the parameters on which the policies of education reforms were worked out and implemented and the dynamism of our education systems from the last two decades of the twentieth century on. All these initiatives intend to work with objectives, projects and programs that, in some cases, in isolation or in groups, are under influence of their actions in a way that frequently it is difficult to identify which of them is the main responsible for some advances. It is important to stand out that not all of the suggestions produced by these initiatives were implemented as policies, and many of them to be implemented were changed in such a way that they were distorted, even they were a result of a multilateral deal, each country gave to them its own interpretation. Moreover, in all these processes the teaching entities had and keep having a fundamental role. The evidences, result of the evaluations of each initiative, show that education policies implemented produced advances in several aspects. They are still not the ideal ones, in truth, but they do exist. In relation to the teaching questions, there were and are still being implemented multiples and varied actions that did not have the expected impact in the education systems of the countries, objects of this study, but, many of them that go on, are promising and start to have a positive impact into the education systems. Even so, the teaching subject matter, even playing a central role in the agenda of all countries of the region, still represents one of the big challenges to the advance and improvement of our education systems

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This study aims to analyze the process of resignification of Chile Street, in Natal, from the development of a music scene in the late 1990s. Chile Street, as part of the Historic Centre of Natal, had its images constructed from the discursive practices and everyday life of its regular visitors, leading to a series of symbolic and imaging transformations throughout the twentieth century. Initially transformed into glamorous space as a result of urban actions of the new republic of Albuquerque Maranhão, in the early twentieth century, Ribeira and Chile Street, specifically, came to be seen as bohemian area, during the war time"; followed by a marginal phase, it was eventually transformed into the main rocker area of Natal, with the development of a musical scene in the second half of the 1990s. This music scene, its practices, economic interests, cultural events and identity ties created among their practitioners made Chile Street, "in the time of Blackout night club", an "alternative" space. As the historic centers, inserted in the logic of postmodern city marketing, both spaces are dynamic in their practices, as in their images, Chile Street also suffered changes in its meanings and symbols, around the year 2000 when the alternative-underground space became a pop space, where people from various parts of the city began attending its events and places, transforming it into a point of very heterogeneous sociability