7 resultados para Transition to democracy, political regime, authoritarianism, democracy, democratization.
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice
Resumo:
Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration
Resumo:
This work aims at analyzing how Adam Smith, one of the founders of the liberal regime was seen by Roberto Campos, one of the patriarchs of Brazilian liberalism. In this sense, it will be shown how and why the legacy of Scotland was used to legitimize the new pattern of accumulation necessary to capitalism from the second half of the twentieth century on. So, it is the intention to make explicit that the changes in Campos discursive form are consistent with the requirements of capitalism in crisis and were fundamental in the creation of another common sense. To achieve these goals it will be assessed in what way the liberal rhetoric of the Brazilian, harmonized with foreign authors with the same vision, has become an important weapon to transform Smith into a myth in contrast to the political and economic criteria advocated by the same, but valuable to what Roberto Campos intended
Resumo:
The object of analysis of this work is the implementation of the election of director in the State School August 11, situated in the city of Umarizal, State of Rio Grande do Norte, period 2005-2008. The understanding of the politics concerning the school democratization, triggered in Brazilian society in the 1990s, requires taking into consideration the changes occurring in recent decades in the national and international, which impressed significant changes in the role and functions of the state. The election of a director is part of the policy of administrative decentralization and educational reform that focuses on the democratization of the management of public education with the involvement of social actors in decisions within the educational institutions as a way to address the problems that hinder the actions management education, especially school management. To better understand this process of political democratization of school management developed our analysis seeking to answer the following questions: implementation of direct election for a director ensures democratic management in schools? What are the ramifications for the school, caused by direct election on the school autonomy and participation of the subjects in school processes? From these questions, we set as standard for analysis of democratic management in schools of two dimensions: participation and autonomy within the school. For this we take as a theoretical and methodological literature: Pateman (1992); Rousseau (2010); Bourdieu (2007), Castoriadis (1991); Macpherson (1978); Marx; Engels (2007), among others dealing with participation, autonomy, decision power and election of director, and guidelines dealing with the democratization of school management. As data collection procedure, we use the semi-structured interviews and analysis of meeting minutes of the School Council and the Minutes of the final results of elections, to understand the empirical aspects of the implementation of the election of a director. The survey results indicate some progress and setbacks regarding the participation of subjects from issues relating to the school's educational project. Also underline the political interference as a factor crystallizer the centralization of power in the figure of the director as well as the advancement of the spaces that nurture the mobilization of political debate on the democratization of management. About the extent of autonomy observed that social actors to relate predominantly to the power of decision and the involvement of subjects in the school's actions
Resumo:
This thesis endorses the interpretation that in Plato`s Republic the argument made by Thrasymachus in which justice is the convenience of the most powerful one is implicitly accepted by Socrates. Although Thrasymachus´ discussion does not show any similarity with the argument of Socrates, it proposes a sarcastic and ironic comment on political life. Socrates accepts this comment to develop a more refined notion of the category of the most powerful ones. While Thrasymachus assumes that the convenience of the most powerful ones includes the power to subordinate all and everything to their individual pleasures, Socrates admits that the most powerful ones are defined only by their characteristic of being able to hold power in perpetuity. In this context, the main theme of The Republic is that the harmony between the functional classes of the city is convenient for perpetual power. For preservation of harmony, the functional class of the most powerful considers the convenience of forsaking a possible monopoly on pleasure towards a redistribution that promotes harmony, which also makes it convenient for the other classes. Thus, we can explicitly say that the most powerful ones believe in a sense of justice as convenience for everyone, but implicitly believe only in the argument that justice is what is convenient for themselves. Since convenience is what promotes harmony between functional classes, it becomes convenient to Socrates to believe that the understanding justice that the most powerful ones have is not publicly disclosed. The notion that all the speculation of the dialogue between the characters cannot be true, but, at best, only plausible and convenient is also part of the central argument in The Republic. Socrates needs to modify the nature of the functional classes through a targeted program of sexual reproduction and a program of ideological indoctrination so that the proposal to promote harmony through the elements of the city, declaring that justice is in favor of the weakest becomes a more plausible and convenient speech. To make the new system more plausible, Socrates develops a metaphysics based on the mathematical notion of harmony, such metaphysics serving the official rhetoric of the political regime presented by Socrates
Resumo:
Recent astronomical observations (involving supernovae type Ia, cosmic background radiation anisotropy and galaxy clusters probes) have provided strong evidence that the observed universe is described by an accelerating, flat model whose space-time properties can be represented by the FriedmannRobertsonWalker (FRW) metric. However, the nature of the substance or mechanism behind the current cosmic acceleration remains unknown and its determination constitutes a challenging problem for modern cosmology. In the general relativistic description, an accelerat ing regime is usually obtained by assuming the existence of an exotic energy component endowed with negative pressure, called dark energy, which is usually represented by a cosmological constant ¤ associated to the vacuum energy density. All observational data available so far are in good agreement with the concordance cosmic ¤CDM model. Nevertheless, such models are plagued with several problems thereby inspiring many authors to propose alternative candidates in the relativistic context. In this thesis, a new kind of accelerating flat model with no dark energy and fully dominated by cold dark matter (CDM) is proposed. The number of CDM particles is not conserved and the present accelerating stage is a consequence of the negative pressure describing the irreversible process of gravitational particle creation. In order to have a transition from a decelerating to an accelerating regime at low redshifts, the matter creation rate proposed here depends on 2 parameters (y and ߯): the first one identifies a constant term of the order of H0 and the second one describes a time variation proportional to he Hubble parameter H(t). In this scenario, H0 does not need to be small in order to solve the age problem and the transition happens even if there is no matter creation during the radiation and part of the matter dominated phase (when the ß term is negligible). Like in flat ACDM scenarios, the dimming of distant type Ia supernovae can be fitted with just one free parameter, and the coincidence problem plaguing the models driven by the cosmological constant. ACDM is absent. The limits endowed with with the existence of the quasar APM 08279+5255, located at z = 3:91 and with an estimated ages between 2 and 3 Gyr are also investigated. In the simplest case (ß = 0), the model is compatible with the existence of the quasar for y > 0:56 whether the age of the quasar is 2.0 Gyr. For 3 Gyr the limit derived is y > 0:72. New limits for the formation redshift of the quasar are also established
Resumo:
This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work