54 resultados para Social order

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This paper is about the form of social modulation, The Facebook. The social order is the form that all parties. The modulations (there are several) are aspects of social order and therefore capable formant. The Facebook, then, is searched as a Dionysian aspects of the social form that appears with cyberculture and the mass consumption. Thus, it is to display the attitude of Dionysian that consume otherness and give up the KEYWORDS: social form, modulation, Dionysian, cyberculture, Facebook consumption on Facebook

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The civil liability of the distribution and retail fuel stems from the fact business activity developed to be high risk and can be said as risk inherent or latent danger that has predictability and normality characterized by placing the consumer in a position of vulnerability, such as the environment, both public policies defined and constitutional protection. Consumer protection as a fundamental right and the environment as the primacy of social order aims the welfare and social justice, as inserted right to the third dimension, are guarded by the State when it creates operational standards through public policies and indirectly intervenes in the economic order. This intervention is due to consumer protection and the environment are economic order principles, founded on free initiative and free competition, ensuring everyone a dignified existence which underlies the irradiation of fundamental rights in private initiative, before the commercial evaluation, mass consumption, the emergence of new technologies that link consumers to the environment before the protection of life, health and safety and ensuring a better quality of life for present and future generations. To repair this damage and the right to information are provided as fundamental rights that put the person at the epicenter of the relations and collective interest stands out against individual interests that to be done need public-private partnership. In such a way that the used methodology was an analysis of documents correlating them with bibliographic sources whose goals are to recognize the civil responsibility as limit to subjective right, having to develop a social function where guilt and risk grow distant and the damage is configured as a consequence of inherent risk, requiring the State interventional postures in fulfilling its public policy; prevailing in these risky activities the solidarity of those involved in the chain of production and socialization of damage forward those are provided directly of products of hazardous nature that put in a position of vulnerability the environment and the consumer

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The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality

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It is an ethnographic work that has an objective of verifying devices throngh the residents of a low income suburban area, and the way they deal with their social relations through sonsumerism (and the aspiration connected to it), the symbolic character acquired through consumer goods, understood as one of the fundamental components for the comprehension of the web as relations that established, Though consumerism, individuais will reveal ways of communication, of the status, of creating new forms of action and identification. Using the principal that believes in a web of symbolic significance where own individuais develop their impressions, as a resource to look at their own bodies, a social order (yet unstable), and the process of inclusion in a broader society. In conclusion, the act of consuming is more than a perspective that establishes statistics on consumer goods, with their ways of production, circulation and economic functioning: it is also a way of perceiving a collection mapped by consumers individually and socially, and by those means organizing, classifying and identifyring the social world

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The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant

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According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)

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This work started from an investigation concerning the process of education, moralization and disciplining of the poor in the backlands of the Brazilian Northeast region, in the second half of the 19th century, through the incorporation of the values of productive work. In order to do so, we took as our field of investigation the missions of Father José Antônio Pereira Ibiapina (1806-1883), in which an extensive work was developed, including the construction of twenty two (22) charity houses in the States of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará e Piauí, but also of weirs, churches, graveyards, hospitals and so forth. Given the socio-historical character of the research, we adopted qualitative methods of analysis and the following procedures: survey and analysis of documents, statute and internal rules that ordered the workings of the charity houses; biographies on Father Ibiapina and the missions‟ reports, as well as various sorts of publications on the missionary. Our study comprises his 27 year-period of missionary-religious activity (1856-1883), and undertakes an analysis on the topic of poverty, since the medieval Christian take on it until modernity, when it stops representing a value and becomes a problem to be solved through work. The socio-political context in which Ibiapina lived in the Northeast was marked by the consequence of droughts and economic crises in the region. The analysis of the documents indicates that, in the circumstances of political weakness and lack of interest for regional demands by the national political agenda, his missionary actions produced strong effects. Starting from an ethics of valorization of work, which combined modern and traditional elements, his actions set up disciplinary, moralizing and civil educational practices of the poor, founding, simultaneously, a pragmatic religious experience directed at the resolution of the problems caused by poverty. In that sense, we observe that such actions are connected to the broader process of moralization and education of the poor, but the analysis also suggests that their inscription into the social order articulated both forward as well as conservative aspects of the established system

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This work has a study object the main thinking work of Johan Kaspar Schmidt well known as Max Stirner (1806-1856) - originally titled (in German), Der Einzige und sein Eigentun, and translated into Portuguese by the Portuguese publisher Antígona in 2004, under the title The Unique and its Ownership. This book was known in 1844 although its publication dated 1845 seen that the censor of that time rejected the publication request in that year - saying that ( ) in concrete passages of that work, not only God, Christ, the church and the religion are usually object of proposal blasphemy, but also because all social order, the state and the government are defined as something that should not exist simultaneously as one justifies the lie, perjury, the murder and suicide and denies the ownership right. After this first attack and rejection by its bearing the unique come to be others target, due practically to all the philosophical political thinkers its time including thinkers like Ludwig Feuerbach and Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels in spite of, on the other hand, having inspired formulations and reformulations of many of those thinkers that were against then in their times, as well as those thinkers that came after then such as Nietzsche himself. Even though this work was be victim of powerful attempts of erasing it of history, it has shown a great repercussion power and that is the main reason that led us to ask the following questions what is its big originality? , how could his author arrive at a so impactant perspective? What is its most legitimate political place? We endeavored in elaborate answers to those questions trough the exegesis of its text, taking in account both the scholarship environment where the author produced his intellectual life set - and the detailed reading of texts linked to discussion in focus, where this reading is always based upon the meaning and senses traced by the texts and its contexts as a precaution against the limits and the traps of the readings which shed light markedly on strict letter of the phrases constructs. Ours conclusions point at to the idea that a work like this , that subverts the characteristic ways of thought of the modernity, completely, continues being a utter odds, without rank in the history of thought and the moderns political practices, finding parallel possibility only, in a very special way, with a certain autharchic perspective of Ancient Greece

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The Article 225 of Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil in its main body, stipulates that everyone is entitled to ecologically balanced environment and the use of common people and essential to the healthy quality of life, should be imposed on public authorities and the community the duty to defend it and preserve it for present and future generations. Following a universal trend, the letter raised the Brazilian environment the category of one of those values ideals of social order, dedicating it, along with a constitution of rules sparse, a chapter, itself, which definitely, institutionalized the right to healthy environment as a fundamental right of the individual. The national public policies and state should be in line with modern theories of Sustainable Development, outlined within the international society, and certainly instruments that should be made effective through the mobilization of civil society as a whole. The implementation of Human Rights, in fact, depends on a strong political action and not just a legal problem. Thus, this work of theoretical-descriptive nature we will address various dimensions of sustainable development, such as environmental education, water, sanitation, health and sustainable development plans, evaluating its current stage in our state

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The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

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The environment, which fundamental importance has already been recognized in all the world, is an actual national and international discussion subject, whose interest grows for the society, and consequently to the Law, in order to prevent the natural resources to the present and future generations. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution, recognizing the importance of the environment, treated about it in many of its parts, even dedicating a specific chapter (Chapter V About Environment, inserted in Title VIII About Social Order). The brazilian constitutional text established to everyone the fundamental right of enjoying an equilibrated environment, obligating the State and all society to defend and preserve the environment to the present and future generations. The economic growing process, that predominated and still persist in the big majority of the countries, where is practiced the capitalist system, has in the enterprises (legal persons) one of its main actors. Many times, these enterprises, especially in the actual globalized world in where we live, where the gain of money is priorized, ends, at the moment they act, making damages to the environment. These damages are, many times, considered by the law. crimes against the environment. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution, according to the Modern Criminal Law, realizing that many crimes were being committed by the enterprises, established in article 225, §3rd, the criminal responsibility of the legal persons. Almost ten years after the 1988 Brazilian Constitution, was published the Law number 9.605/98, in which third article established the penal responsibility of the legal persons that practice crimes against the environment, without excluding the individual responsibility

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The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in §1, art. 5º of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality

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The research Cecília Meireles and the Pedagogical Lyric in Children My Love (1924) consists in a critical analysis, a cultural and historical approach to the pedagogical intentionalities and to the social and educational functionalities expressed in the childish literary work of the poetess and educator Cecília Meireles (1901-1964), in Brazil, during the first decades of XX century. The author s conceptions of the literary art, the philosophical and educational foundations, the Christian and liberal ideologies and values pertinent to her work for children and the relations between her texts and the ideals of the Brazilian intellectuals to effect changes in the every day life based on the child formation and on the teaching feminization process were examined in the work. This paper shows a content analysis with the intention of offering signification to the work Children My Love (1924) according to the investigation of specific categories: child, motherhood and schooling; through the exploration of synonymous and bipolar key-words found in Cecília s documents: child/adult, teacher/mother; school/home, ignorance/intelligence. The research intends to understand how the author articulates, in her informal pedagogical action in Children s Literature, science, literary and Christian faith knowledge, in order to expand her social and educational ideal concentrated in children, guided by the maternal hand and aimed at constructing a New Man, New Civilization and a New Social Order

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This research aims to analyze the concept of childhood in the dimension of educational practice, which is present in the regimental school and historically constructed power relations during the period 1910 to 1930, in Rio Grande do Norte. To contextualize this study, it is necessary to address the Bylaws of the School Groups (1915), the Internal Isolated Schools (1925) and Education Reform (1916). The expansion of education in the State, aiming at preparing the individual for the new capitalist social order was the concern of all governments of the first republic. During this period, the school is conceived as a privileged scenario of a set of practices aimed at disciplining the children, to explore, in some respects, the concept of childhood. Over time, this cocepção was constructed historically. In addition, the school receives children, which in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, are inserted into an educational process in line with the state, embodied in laws, regulations and school discursive practices

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One of the concerns of this century is with the handling and the final destination of urban solid waste (RSU), where depending on the form as they will be made use, they can cause diverse problems, they are of ambient or social order, being able to generate the loss of the quality of life and illnesses to the population, of direct or indirect form. The objective of the present work was to diagnosis the environmental partner situation of the Final Destination of the urban solid residues in the District of Guajiru, city of São Gonçalo do Amarante/RN, standing out the partner-economic situation of the scavengers. The research was carried through in the period of March of 2008 the October of 2009, with a methodology developed through analyzes them of documents made available for the state ambient agency, the Air base of Christmas and managing agencies of the city. For collection of the date, it was used directly application of the questionnaire with 20 existing scavengers in points of destination of residues, evaluation of the old place of final destination through the use of the spread sheet of the IQR (Index of Quality of the Residues), developed for the CETESB, identification of the matter dump and photographic register. For effect of treatment of the data, a descriptive analysis with regard to the answers of the interviewed scavengers was carried through. The acquired date, Scale had been according to tabulated and analyzed in Excel 2003, where they had been generated graphical to observe the behavior of the data. The results show that of the twenty interviewed scavengers, 35% possess age between 20 and 30 years; 75% possess incomplete basic education; 60% inhabit in houses of waal or huts (cardboard or wood); 55% do not make use of system of water supply and system of sanitary exhaustion; with regard to income monthly for scavengers, 35% had presented income between R$ 200,00 and R$300,00 and 20% possess income above of R$ 500,00 for possessing another source of income; 80% of the interviewed ones, use some type of equipment of individual protection; In the year of 2009, confirming what it was informed by the State agency of Environment, during the field visit, we evidence that the city of Is Gonçalo do Amarante, currently, destines its residues in Sanitary landfill of São Region Metropolitan of Natal in the District of Massaranduba in the city of Ceará-Mirim, after some interventions of the State Public prosecution service. However, in the district of Guajiru some diggings still exist that today are used as final destination of RCD' s (Residues of Construction and Demolition) of the cities of Natal and São Gonçalo do Amarante, as well as private dumps that are used by scavengers that deviate the final destination (Sanitary landfill) of the residues of the great generators (supermarkets, shopping Center and hotels), with presence of urubus, generating a new ambient problem for the city and the aeroportuária security. Ahead of this scene, the study it suggests viable alternatives for the elimination of the private dumps and for the social situation of the escavengers, aiming at to improve its quality of life and 10 to minimize the ambient impacts caused by the inadequate destination of the solid waste in the community of Guajiru, São Gonçalo do Amarante/RN, being able to contribute so that the public managers carry through action in the handling and the control of the final destination of the urban solid waste