Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os cursos da governabilidade no presidencialismo da catalização

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

Efetividade do uso tópico de fluoreto e da escovação no controle de cáries produzidas "in vivo"

The objective of this clinical study was to evaluate the effectiveness of the toothbrushing with and without fluoride and the daily fluoride rinse (NaF 0.05%) on produced white spot, in vivo. This was a clinical study, controlled, randomized and triple blind. Thirty patients were selected for orthodontics reasons from Orthodontics Specialization Course at the Brazilian Dental Association - Section of Rio Grande do Norte. In this study it was used 4 bicuspid upper and lower. They had orthodontic reason for extractions, in 35 days, at least. The sample had one hundred and twenty teeth that received orthodontic bands. The bands were fixed with polycarboxylate cement, and there was a space standardized between bands and one surface of teeth. The four bicuspid of each patients were randomized and nominated as A, B, C and D. These nominations determinated the sequence of the extractions and what was done in each tooth. All the patients had been submitted to the toothbrushing with or without fluoride for 35 days. After this period, the A tooth of each patient was extracted to serve as control. The others teeth (B, C and D) were extracted one by each week. The entire sample was analyzed through the clinical examination and by laser fluorescence (DIAGNOdent®) in three different times: before orthodontic bands, 28 days after fixed and then removed the bands and, the last one, 07 days after one of the three treatments (toothbrushing with or without fluoride, tooth paste with fluoride and mouth rinse with fluoride). At the beginning all groups (A, B, C and D) had the same conditions, no significant difference was found. The same situation was found in a clinical examination. The results of the DIAGNOdent® for the groups that used tooth paste without fluoride, with fluoride and mouth rinse with fluoride, after 28 days, there was no significant difference. Clinically, the white spot was formed in all teeth after 28 days. When it was compared the three treated groups, the group without fluoride in tooth paste had worst result than the others groups. But there was no significant association between the number of active and inactive white spots and the type of treatment that the teeth had received. The demineralization of the enamel surface, under the orthodontic bands, it happened in a few weeks. The exposition of the white spots in oral environmental resulted in an improvement, but it was not enough to return to the values from the base line, either for the toothbrushing and/or the use of fluorite mouth rinse. Mouth rinse and toothpaste with fluoride have showed to reduce the incidence of demineralization in the enamel, but none seems to be superior to another one in an in vivo study

Sociedade, mulher e educação nos romances de Graciliano Ramos

This paper, Society, woman and education in Graciliano Ramos' novels, is a study object from the history of woman's education in the 1930 s, it is shown as a reading of woman's representation and the configuration of the Brazilian society in that period. São Bernardo, Angustia and Vidas Secas written by Graciliano Ramos (1892-1953) from Alagoas, are used here as sources associated with the reading of the Constitutions, of the Civil Code and of some presidential messages of that decade, also with the texts produced by other scholars that present some relationship within the thematic of this approach. The representation concepts and the configuration are essential for the production of this text. I run over to the configuration concept given by Chartier (1988, p.21) a definition to representation that can be understood as a relationship between a present image and an absent object that having the value of this because it is hamonized with it. I fall back upon the configuration concept given by Elias (1969) that understands it as been a social group performed by an interdependent network that occurs within individuals as a whole joined by any reason. The totality of each individual actions with each other, permeated by tension points and balance, is what characterizes each configuration; it can be a teachers and students meeting in a classroom or a friends' encounter in the bar table, for instance. The attempt of understanding woman's representation, being educated or not, the hole attributed to her in society according to her instruction degree and the way that same society saw this woman guided me through categories that were defined throughout the successive readings: gender, civil status, education, language domain, sexuality, marriage, family, ideal woman. I accomplish this reading that was possible to do - with the pretension of not having lost the relationship between history and literature nor forgotten each one peculiarities

A representação da mulher e as questões de gênero na toponímia urbana de Caicó-RN

This piece wants to investigate the relations between gender identities and the toponymy in Caicó city. To do so, we will discuss the reason why places are named, the practice of naming places, so as the process of choosing the names of neighborhoods, streets and city public squares. Thereby, we will investigate the space changes in Caicó city since its formation, as a village, until the decade of 1970. This period of time was chosen in order to discuss the toponymic process of the city, besides having noticed that public places and locations in Caico with the feminine nominations only appear from the second half of the 60s decade and in the beginning of the 70s. This way, we preferred to investigate who were the first Caicó women to have their names in the urban space; why women only begin to have homage from the decade of the 60s on; what is the importance and the location of the places with feminine names; and what gender image is there on this homage

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

“Justice will be made“ Bush e o discurso construtor das guerras contra o terror

This work was built aiming to present how they built the speech of the presidential administration of George W. Bush to engender the Wars on Terror. Through an analysis of sources, magazines, newspapers and official speeches of the President; construct a survey that shows the process of development discourse of the U.S. government in order to make credible to the world the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. To accomplish this feat, the first attempts to deconstruct the work that would be the terrorist and their actions against the hegemonic governments, and perform an important discussion with the theme of the story of the present time and the need for a search like this nowadays. To deconstruct the idea of being a terrorist present as President George W. Bush uses the attacks of September 11th and fear as tools to build a war with a real intentionality toward the conquest of Iraqi oil and finish a task that his father, George H. Bush had left unfinished.

Colônia agrícola Sinimbú: entre a regularidade do espaço projetado e os violentos confrontos do espaço vivido (Rio Grande do Norte, 1850-1880)

In 1878, at the province of Rio Grande do Norte, between Ceará-Mirim and Extremoz, was founded the Agricultural Colony of Sinimbú. On this location, about 6,600 freed men and women had gathered. They were not only fleeing from the terrible 1877 drought but also encouraged by the promise of accessing basic necessities, i.e. housing and medical assistance, upon work, as required by local and central representatives of power. However, the migrants faced otherwise reality, since conditions within the agricultural facility were of shortage and violence, as denounced on the presidential reports of that time. This work aims at analyzing the conflicts that took place at the Sinimbú Colony, while it seeks to emphasize how the tensions and interests of both local elite and central government representatives relate to the opening and closure of this space, on a context where the debate on the control over freed poor workers was on the rise. Thus, we intend to demonstrate that on the one hand, institutionalized places provided the native freed a sense of work guided by the discipline of the body, control of time and arrangement of space. On the other hand, unlike forms of resistance enacted by freed working men and women undergoing the rearranging process of labor world cannot be disregarded.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies