5 resultados para Política Contemporânea
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
Contemporary politics have assumed new configurations both in the way they are carried out and in the content publicized. Nevertheless, some practices are unchanged since antiquity. But the advent of the media and its circumstantial molding of current society have forced politics to make some changes to adapt both to mass media and to the new social practices in liberal democracy. Given that fact, this study tried to demonstrate how power has become personalized in Campina Grande, Paraíba, Brazil, by a politician named Cássio Cunha Lima. Through the communications media and popular manifestations, he has been trying to create a symbiosis between Micarande a Carnival party (not held in the traditional Mardi Gras week) and his own public image, elaborating a process that identifies him with that event. In that way, he hopes to appropriate the festival and project his political image by using the party as na electoral currency in his publicity campaigns
Resumo:
This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media
Resumo:
Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection
Resumo:
Can be declared that throughout the historical trajectory of the Brazilian Social Work, the men in the Social Work profession, women in the Social Work profession in his/her professional activity, present an educational dimension that runs through various social and occupational spaces, particularly in the area of Social Assistance Policy. Based on this premise, this present Dissertation, problematize the educational dimension present on the interventional process, in Social Work on the ambit of the Social Assistance Policy in Natal / RN city Brazil in the contemporary scene. Having thus, specific objectives that orientate the research of the interventional process of Social Work in the social assistance policy, analyzing of the apprehension of Social Work professionals on the educational dimension, in their daily work professional and the verification of the relationship between the educational dimension, to the professional action of both men in the Social Work profession and women in the Social Work profession and the concretization of social rights on the ambit of the social assistance policy. In this sense, the theoretical and methodological procedures used for this research, are substantiated on a critical-dialectical perspective and a qualitative and quantitative approach, from of the application of field research, of the non-participant observation, of the semi-structure, of the review of literature bibliographic and documental. Thus, considering that both women in the social work profession and men in the social work profession are an organic intellectuals who in their daily professional work promotes an intellectual and moral reform of their users, the results of this research, synthesize and show that the educational dimension in both professional work and social assistance, which have partner-historics, whose imbrication allows, contradictorily, by a side, a reaffirmation of the dominant culture, and by other side, a direction linked to the construction of an emancipatory culture in the pursuit of the materializing of social rights and a new sociability
Resumo:
This paper aims to understand the specifics of the network communication and the logic of articulation of social insurgencies in contemporary inferred from the rizome concept coined by Felix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze and the multitude as preach Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. To do so, it raises the processes and practices of political bodies, reaching lines and common strategies of operation. Unless the specifics, it is possible to draw a continuous and rizomatic communication that traverses both bodies enrolled in institutionalized democracy, as the spanish movement-party Podemos and the greek coalition Syriza, as the autonomous collectives, such as the Movimento Passe Livre, fighting for universal public, free and quality transport, and the free media initiatives Media Ninja and Catarina Santos, willing to understand the social movements. The constitutional amendment of this model of communication networking seems to be the desire to radicalization of democracy, the bias of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, as a strategic and common struggle. Indeed, speaking specifically of free media, they are built from here processes that take place in understanding the agency of the bodies as relevant to political action toward the radical democracy project, and the use of free softwares, the communicator-protester agency, the performance, the collective experience.