11 resultados para Partidos políticos-México

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This work is about a search that takes the Comitê pela Anistia no Rio Grande do Norte and the Associação Norte-Rio-Grandense de Anistiados Políticos as Political Spaces capable of expressing History, Memory and Politic. And has as main objective analyzing the amnesty process in the State from these Spaces of political struggle and of resistance, from the 1970s until the early 2000s. The discussion of amnesty and struggle for rights and remedies are still present today on the political agenda of the country, which demonstrates the importance and the incompleteness of the amnesty. Beyond the oral sources, which are essential for understanding periods of oppression, we also used written sources, such as digital and printed newspapers, laws, meeting minutes, pamphlets of political parties, magazines, theses, dissertations, among others. We made the crossing of oral sources with written guides us as Paul Thompson, highlighting the importance of Memory, especially of Collective Memory in line with the perception of Maurice Halbwachs. Work the concept of history approached by Jacques Le Goff and Politic from the perspective of Hannah Arendt. And consider the space from the approach taken by Doreen Massey

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.

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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

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This thesis analyzes the political and electoral trajectory of the PFL in Rio Grande do Norte from its beginning in 1985 until his last electoral dispute in 2006, before the process of rebuilding occurred in 2007. The central argument of the thesis is that the PFL occupied side by side with the PMDB the central position in the dynamic of the state partisan politics. This was due to its ability to control the process of disputes for majority positions in the state, especially for Senate vacancies. The hypothesis that support the central argument are related to the trajectory of the formation of the party still under the military regime, where the group that took over the leadership of the party enjoyed privileged conditions for the consolidation of political and electoral power. Another factor associated with their performance was the force that was developed in the second-largest electoral college in the state, Mossoró. To these hypotheses we add the role Jose Agripino Maia who, leading without competitors within the party, concentrated a large power in making decisions in face of adverse contexts to ensure (his) conditions for success in majoritarian disputes

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The objective of this work was about fixing the free will paradigm as negative evaluation of political rights which presents a new classification dde such rights, producing species: a) conditions of eligibility autonomous (free will), b) eligibility requirements heteronomous (will third party) and c) ineligibility (court decisions / administrative). This morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended, making a hermeneutic analysis of art. 14, § 9 of the Constitution, considering the justification of the views of the voting Minister Carlos Ayres Brito Appeal in Ordinary No 1069/2006 of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (where Eurico Miranda). Are fixed concepts of morality and life history from the perspective of the moral act freely and consciously. Has resulted in the identification of the moral virtues of honesty and integrity, which are voluntary acts as a reference to morality and integrity respectively. Justifies the morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended. who depend exclusively on the willingness of the candidate. It is noteworthy that the conditions for eligibility as a factual finding does not violate the law and does not allow punitive sanctions or setting a deadline in case of refusal to register the application. Attributed to political parties to take responsibility in their statutes moral criteria for the nomination convention in pre candidates, giving an ethical dimension. Analyzes the law under the Clean Record of morality and life history of the candidate and the possible impact on the electoral context.

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El estudio Historia y educación de mujeres indígenas que quedan em Missão do Sahy pretende comprender, a través de recerdos y memorias, la transmisión de costumbres y prácticas educativas de un grupo de mujeres en sus relaciones con la familia, la escuela y la religión. El enfoque teórico-metodológico utilizado fue la Historia Oral, un enfoque que oferece la oportunidad de trabajar con la historia de mujeres y la memoria, tratando de reconstruir algunas de las experiencias de estas mujeres que tienen la custodia de las historias y los conocimientos transmitidos por los antepasados, como activistas en las actividades de la Comunidad, los partidos políticos, en la dirección de las asociaciones de la comunidad y los mantenedoras de la iglesia. La encuesta se realizó en el Distrito de Missão do Sahy, un asentamiento franciscano instalado en 1697 y abolida en 1863, em el territorio de Las Jacobinas, la ciudad de Senhor do Bonfim, en el norte de Bahia. El estudio demostró que todavía hay uma fuerte presencia de la práctica de los Padres Franciscanos, los creadores del pueblo, también mostró que las orientaciones religiosas han contribuido significativamente a fortalecer el papel de la mujer en Missão do Sahy como madre y esposa. Este estudio también mostró que el sesgo afecta a las más jóvenes remanescentes que - ni india ni negra - todavia son victimas de discriminación, un hecho que quizás tiene su origen el desconocimiento de la identidad de estas mujeres. Varios autores han contribuido en este estudio: Halbwachs (2006), Bosi (1994) y Pollak (1989) contribuyó a la construcción del estudio de la memoria, Perrot (1988, 2006, 2007) y Del Piore (2007) proporcionaron la base para la historia de la mujer; Machado y otros autores regionales (1993, 2007), Lourenço Pereira da Silva (1906, 1915), Adolfo Silva (1971), Edith Davis (1997), Joseph Davis (2001), Da Paz (2001, 2004), Oro (2008) , Santos (2007), Araujo (2002) y (2008 Vieira Filho) contribuyeron a la construcción de una historiografía de la zona de la investigación. Cronistas Frei Martinho de Nantes (1979) y Frei Venancio Willeke OFM (1994), además de teórico Norbert Elias (1993), de Michel de Certeau (1994) y Philippe Aries (1981), que presentan elementos importantes para el análisis de las pruebas.

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The objective of this work was about fixing the free will paradigm as negative evaluation of political rights which presents a new classification dde such rights, producing species: a) conditions of eligibility autonomous (free will), b) eligibility requirements heteronomous (will third party) and c) ineligibility (court decisions / administrative). This morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended, making a hermeneutic analysis of art. 14, § 9 of the Constitution, considering the justification of the views of the voting Minister Carlos Ayres Brito Appeal in Ordinary No 1069/2006 of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (where Eurico Miranda). Are fixed concepts of morality and life history from the perspective of the moral act freely and consciously. Has resulted in the identification of the moral virtues of honesty and integrity, which are voluntary acts as a reference to morality and integrity respectively. Justifies the morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended. who depend exclusively on the willingness of the candidate. It is noteworthy that the conditions for eligibility as a factual finding does not violate the law and does not allow punitive sanctions or setting a deadline in case of refusal to register the application. Attributed to political parties to take responsibility in their statutes moral criteria for the nomination convention in pre candidates, giving an ethical dimension. Analyzes the law under the Clean Record of morality and life history of the candidate and the possible impact on the electoral context

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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To the observe the periods of electoral campaigns, we can realize sharply the abundance of political propaganda that announces the candidates, their campaign record, their proposed and everything that can carry them to the victory in the urns. The propaganda is today an essential tool in the votes dispute, in consequence of this, there is, in Brazil, the increasing participation of the Politics Parties in seminars of electoral marketing. They are varied strategies of the media used in the divulging of the candidacies, among them the slogan. Instigated by the explicit relation media/political, this work intends to investigate the ideologies (values) announced by the slogans of political propaganda that circulated in electoral periods. Thus, we base on the theory of the Circle of Bakhtin, who considers the statement as unit of the verbal communication, and that conceives the language as phenomenon dialogical, and, too, in the conceptions of alien words, social voices and dialogical relations formulated by the referred theory. We use, for better to comprehend, the slogan as strategy mediatic, of the classical study done by Olivier Reboul concerning the slogan; and, like starting point of a conception about ideology, studied John Thompson to comprehends the ideological phenomenon. Our corpus it constitutes of 14 political slogans announced in the campaigns for mayor of the cities in Natal and Mossoró, both located in Rio Grande do Norte s state, Brazil, in 1996, 2000 and 2004. For the analysis of these slogans, we consider the social-historical context in which were announced, being contemplated the linguistic and discursive aspect, according to the following methodological order: the identification of alien words (interdiscours); the social voices and the kinds dialogical relations established; and, finally, the ideology announced by the statement. This way, we can arrive to the conclusion that in the electoral context occurs a true ideologies war , in other words, in the political game of an electoral campaign, the slogans announces different values, which vary in several factors function, for example, the historicity, the subject that enunciates, the discursive positionings.