3 resultados para POLITICAL ACTIVISM
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace
Resumo:
In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health
Resumo:
The struggle against AIDS is a kind of action in favor of life and the organized Brazilian civil society incorporated it in a meaningful dimension. This struggle matured the creation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and advanced with the discoveries about the disease. Since the very early 90 s, the consolidation of the partnership involving the movement anti-aids with State came up with a dilemma for the entities of civil society: are they just executors of governmental policies or do they take up the role of effective demands concerning public policies? Since then, activism against aids started to stand for execution of projects and one considers that the institutional way of anti-aids work has problems because it constructs a basic strategy to take off the political aspect of the third sector. The NGOs/aids consolidate the reconfiguration of capital and get far from street activities. This is important to be studied because the relationship between society and aids, contemporarily, can prevent them from accomplishing their agenda referring to political mobilization and collective resistance. This research started to be carried after some visits, previously arranged, to an institutional life support group called Grupo de Apoio à Vida-GAV, in Campina Grande. A semi-structured interview was applied to 31 users and to 6 technicians of the entity mentioned. One aimed at investigating the activist anti-aids practice, identifying the conceptions of activism and knowing how social actors assess those practices. Preliminary results indicate that one of the conceptions on activism among the interviewees refers to the execution of projects through partnership of NGOs and supporting institutions, governmental or non-governmental. Although this new conception on activism consolidates a non-political aspect, there are other ways of executing projects and participating actively, according to some users, such as: meetings, lectures and other sorts of events promoted by the group, which are also legitimate actions representing anti-aids activism at the present context