28 resultados para Militância estudantil

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose

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The 1980s, at UFRN represented a moment of resumption of student struggles. The major goals of the student movement in this period was the fight against the authoritarian regime and for the democracy within and outside the university. In this context, events, activities, artistic and cultural productions were organized in order to make a critical policy for the procedure, trying to establish a dialogue between the university community and the population. Our work has made a research on cultural practices of the student movement in the 1980s. We did an analysis on the process of democratic transition in Brazil, the political participation of youth, their cultural practices in the country, society and politics in the RN, the student movement at UFRN and its cultural practices. We also discussed the concept of culture and cultural practices, but also pointed each of the the main activities and cultural productions organized by students of UFRN in that period. As methodological resource, were used the oral sources, the academic literature on the subject and newspaper pieces, newsletters and advertisement material of the students

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Ce travail etude le protagonisme juvénile en école de enseignement sécondaire publique, avec emphase a l enseignement nocturne. Considere las médiations que determinent le paradigme du protagonisme juvénile defendu pour théoriciens pos modernes et documents de reforme de enseignement sécondaire brésilien. Montre que les explications sur le protagonisme juvénile font part d une conception de pouvoir juvenile, proposé pour organismes multilatérales avec la volonté de mobiliser les jeunes pauvres pour faire actions du combat a pauvreté dans les nations sur le point de développement, conjoncture auquel sont proposées théories et pratiques que viabilizent la subsistance des jeunes pauvres en situation de risque. Discute la question de pouvoir juvenile et indique que la proposition de le protagonisme juvénile via pouvoir ont une espace favorable dans le sphère du enseignement sécondaire, niveau de la plupart de jeunes. Montre que la défense de pouvoir juvenile occulte chances de actions étudiants collectifs que permetent une intervention sociopolitique au élève de enseignement sécondaire, qui ont selement une function de homologation. Propose une recherche de possibilités de incentifs a le protagonisme juvénile collectif ou protagonisme étudiant collectif, auquel le étudiant presente suggestions pour le planification et éxecution de activités didactique pédagogiques dans l`école publique de enseignement sécondaire. Defend que la gestion démocratique, avec emphase en procès participatif, c est la principal déterminacion pour le protagonisme étudiant collectif. Méthodiquement , considere las dimensions suivantes pour le protagonisme juvénile: a) configuration de protagonisme juvénile b) protagonisme juvénile dans perspective légal/institutionel ; c) enseignement sécondaire et protagonisme juvénile ; d) possibilité de construction de protagonisme étudiant collectif dans enseignement sécondaire nocturne en Rio Grande do Norte, état choisi pour recherche. Sistematize une technique de revision de litérature sur le thème et informations d une consultation de documents, au-delà de donné constants de Banc de donées de la recherche Le Enseignement Sécondaire Publique Nocturne :registre et analyse de expérience dans l état de Rio Grande do Norte. Conclusion : il faut contribuer pour débats sur la participation politique de les jeunes dans le enseignement sécondaire nocturne, en presentant possibilités reéles de protagonisme étudiant collectif ; opinions presentées pour élèves sont très importantes a une direction d un rôle académique fait pour institutions scolaires dans ce moment , parce que des étudiants sont correspondants a interlocuteurs privilégiés ; le élève peut et deut être consulté depuis le moment de élaboration jusqu a réalisation de activités scolaires ; bien que il y a des entraves et difficultés immanents au enseignement sécondaire publique nocturne, se forment noveaux espaces de démocratisation de idées

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The history of women has been an important thematic in the field of Historiography in recent years. Many History scholars have discussed thematics related to genre, pointing out their relationship and conflicts. These new thematics are also the result of a series of changing in history that bring out new problems, subjects and approaches. Our aim in this work is to analise the experience of women militants inserted into the student secondarist movement (ME) in Rio Grande do Norte in the years of 1980 s. Discussing the concepts of History and Spaces, we try to analise the political spaces of ME through public and private spaces that make part of the student militant life, pointing out the conflicts faced during their standing into the movement. To a better understanding of the ME political overview, we set a summary to point out the reconstruction of the student entities reorganized after the military governments, as well as we picture a general picture of this women s insertion in history. We use the oral source as the main methodological resource to the development of our work

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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This dissertation aims to analyze the social direction in which the Student Movement in Social Work in Brazil (ENESSO) has gone through. This is done considering how the functioning of the National Executive, the Brazilian Social Work Student union has operated. The research analyzed their political position regarding the university as well as professional education in the period of 2003 to 2008. The study s theoretical and methodological object was obtained according to its structural, juncture, and time determinants. All of the mentioned elements considered the contemporary capital crisis and its implications towards the State and Society emphasizing specifically the changes that occurred in the University regarding professional education. For the purpose of data collection and production, a documental and field research was realized. Thus, interviews were done considering one manager of each management period of the ENESSO group in the time span of 2003 to 2008. Some subjects that represented the Brazilian Social Work Teaching and Research Association (ABEPSS) as well as were also interviewed. These subjects have had a relevant role in partnership with these entities and represented students in the contemporary scene. Results suggest that ENESSO has developed work that defends a project of a public, free and laic quality university. This entity also defends a project that considers the 1996 Curricular Guidelines. Currently, there is internal dispute in the social direction of the MESS, this is seen amongst political groups that diverge in opinions related to the analysis done by the Lula government regarding the political role that the National Student Union-UNE has taken in the counter-reform of higher education. This current juncture is seen as extremely individualist and it results as in unfavorable for the collective organization of the working class, especially regarding student movement. MESS has been going through a moment of profound instability and this dimension is being expressed by the absence of national coordinator for the 2008/2009 management period at ENESSO. Even though there are difficulties, it is possible to point out partnership of the entities that represent the national Social Work in Brazil. These partnerships are all related to a struggle and search for the development of a professional project that leads towards the sociability awareness that goes beyond capital.

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A dissertação versa sobre a Política de Assistência Estudantil e o processo de luta pela democratização do acesso à universidade, no contexto de expansão do ensino superior em tempos de crise estrutural do capital. Apresenta como unidade de análise as particularidades da pós-graduação em Serviço Social da UFRN e tem como objetivo principal apreender e analisar as condições de permanência disponibilizadas pela UFRN aos discentes de pós-graduação no contexto de expansão do Ensino Superior. O percurso teórico-metodológico de análise adotado na pesquisa se fundamentou numa perspectiva crítica do objeto de estudo a partir de uma concepção de totalidade, que pressupõe apreender as determinações socioeconômicas e políticas que incidem sobre a política de ensino superior e as condições de vida dos discentes do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social (PPGSS). As análises fundamentaram-se em pesquisa bibliográfica como base teórico-metodológica da investigação, articulada com as reflexões que resultaram dos dados empíricos da pesquisa de campo na perspectiva de apreensão do objeto, em sua densidade histórica e num quadro de múltiplas determinações. Do ponto de vista metodológico foram entrevistados 26 discentes e realizada análise documental referentes a leis e documentos da política educacional em nível federal e dos organismos internacionais. A luta por ampliação do acesso à universidade está na agenda dos movimentos sociais no âmbito da educação, no entanto na conjuntura dos governos de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011 a 2012) a tendência tem sido seguir as orientações dos organismos internacionais e promover expansão de vagas sem assegurar estratégias de permanência compatíveis com as exigências de excelência acadêmica postas, por exemplo, na pós-graduação. Discentes entrevistados acessam o ensino superior e os cursos de pós-graduação e vivenciam dificuldades diárias para atender com qualidade às exigências acadêmicas em face de suas condições materiais de vida e de trabalho e dos limites da política de assistência estudantil que tem um perfil de programas e ações localizadas

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This paper discusses about the higher education in Brazilian society highlighting the struggle of the working class, as concerning the access to public universities, as well as highlights the contradictions implicit in social quotas adopted by Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) . The aim of this paper is on presenting the analysis of student assistance of the state universities in the Northeast that adopt quotas as social criteria of access for its students , presenting investigative locus as the following universities : UERN , UEPB , UPE and UNEAL . The paper presents the results of a qualitative study , based on a documentary analysis , based on dialectical and historical materialism in which she performed the reading of data from the following analytical categories: Higher Education, Social Quotas and Student Assistance. As main results, it is emphasized that the implementation of quotas as a means of access to higher education was not decisive for the form of planning and implementation of student assistance the university investigated; latent heterogeneity is that universities deal with actions to support student residence. And it is this heterogeneity and the variation in the conduct and understanding of student assistance , reflecting the lack of prioritization with the actions of the context of HEIs ; support programs are to stay focused on central campuses which are located the administrative offices of the universities, penalizing students enrolled in advanced units; also highlight that there is no link between the programs and projects related to student assistance with actions related to teaching, research and extension in universities investigated , which ultimately characterize the student assistance as an isolated action and punctual

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose

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The National School Nutrition Program is the oldest program in the country directed at food and nutrition safety. Its aims are to offer nutritional food as a supplement to students of public and philanthropic schools. Studying school nutrition transcends the investigation as a purely social program, given that it reaches the fields of public health, nutrition and food, using a wide variety of approaches. Thus, it is characterized by a multidisciplinary study, where the disciplines work side by side in distinct aspects of a single problem. Aim: This study aims to assess hygiene practices during the preparation of meat-based meals in public schools in the city of Natal, Brazil. Methods: A list was applied at 27 schools to identify the procedures of good food preparation practices. In addition, cooking and meal distribution temperature were measured and a microbiological analysis of the final preparation and of the water used in preparing it was performed. For microbiological analyses of the food, we analyzed coliforms at 45°C, coliforms at 35°C and Enterococcus, and for the water, we analyzed thermotolerant coliforms and total coliforms, using the methods recommended by APHA, 1995. Results: Most of the schools did not meet the required standards in all the variables related to good food preparation practices, except for the time spent preparing the meat, in which 89% were within the norm. Cooking temperature of the meals was within the standard; however, the temperature at distribution and the time spent dispensing the meals were inadequate. Of the 27 schools, 22 (81.5%) showed the presence of coliforms at 35° C in at least one meal sample and 18 (66.7%) had values above the recommended limit for coliforms at 45°C. The presence of E. coli was identified in 6.1% of the samples analyzed. The presence of Enterococcus was not found at any of the schools. With respect to the water, the North district of the city was the only one that did not meet the standards for the two indicators evaluated. The contamination found was not associated with the hygiene or food storage problems observed. Conclusions: The results show that the hygiene-sanitary conditions of meat-based public school meals were unsatisfactory, demonstrating the need for improvements in the production process to preserve the health of the student population. Multidisciplinarity: Researchers from the areas of food microbiology, nutrition, public health and statistics took part in this study, a decisive factor for characterizing the research as multidisciplinary

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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant

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This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy