11 resultados para Mass-media

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Contemporary politics have assumed new configurations both in the way they are carried out and in the content publicized. Nevertheless, some practices are unchanged since antiquity. But the advent of the media and its circumstantial molding of current society have forced politics to make some changes to adapt both to mass media and to the new social practices in liberal democracy. Given that fact, this study tried to demonstrate how power has become personalized in Campina Grande, Paraíba, Brazil, by a politician named Cássio Cunha Lima. Through the communications media and popular manifestations, he has been trying to create a symbiosis between Micarande a Carnival party (not held in the traditional Mardi Gras week) and his own public image, elaborating a process that identifies him with that event. In that way, he hopes to appropriate the festival and project his political image by using the party as na electoral currency in his publicity campaigns

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This study aims to examine the contemporary viewer and also propose a review of the literature surrounding the spanish researcher Jésus Martín-Barbero. The proposed review, based on Martín-Barbero observations and the Latin American Cultural Studies analysis, observes the individual as part of the processes of communication and research on the concept of cultural mediation, the viewer as component/agent/object of the production of meaning. The study will perceive it as an element of inaccuracy/inadequacy and understand it as a subject of these reactive processes that contain complex and involve communication and culture, in contrast the impressions that resulted from a discussion between a television professional and a communication researcher and of these findings on the same viewer. The work also aims to point the viewer as a component of the possible mapping desired by Martín-Barbero to massive contemporary interpretation of the processes and its concept of night map

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This work analises the social relationship between Television and the Family though the resignification of individuals about Television messages and the speeches that they make about Family. Firstly, the objective is to understand if the principles, values and beliefs constructed and communicated (repassed) inside the Family filter the messages from the Mass Media. Secondly, if there still exists a family culture able to forge identity against so many cultural exchanges. Thirdly, what the function of this identity in the production of senses is. In session 1 and 2, a general approach about the dissemination of Mass Media in Society and the pertinence of the work is presented. Session 3 is about the method used: a qualitative research, with thirteen families from Natal-RN, situated in the Middle Class. The theorical base is considered in the fourth session where the reference to the evolution of the Family is made, with enphasis on the Middle Class and some theories that analyze the pheomenom of the Mass Media , specially in the second half of twentieth century. In session 5 and 6, the research data is presented and analyzed. Finally, in the last session, as a conclusion it can be said that the value of the Family as emotional support is reforced by the speeches and practices that interfere in the signification procces, singular aspects, as well as the social repertoire constructed per si and by institutions (including the family) moreover, mediative message is assimilated by the receiver and becomes understood inside the learned speeches during the receiver‟s history of life, although these messsages are also components in the construction of these repertoire.

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This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

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The approach that undertakes this work revolves around the emergence of iconic structures on reflecting about the meaning of different methods of image representation through which the contemporaneity reveals itself. At baseline, three aspects are considered looking for an analytical ontology of the act of representation and imagery: the transition of representation in the oral culture of societies for writing, from these to typography, and finally the creation of a representation device. Resorted to, therefore, the argument by some genealogy reference points that technological instances such as writing, printing and photography, the evolution of this process, correspond, in itself, a consequent shift technique, for each representation precedent. In the area of the image, the most salient aspect of this change in foward process is the emergence of hyper-reality: the instances of hyper-realistic representation. In the Western context, the 'simulation of the world' - essential idea of mimesis is the work of an autonomous an conventional system. It should be noted, then the fact that under unreflective of the post-industrial societies, the mass-media image is coating with natural or fake code including - according to Baudrillard - tends to replace the real world in the "perpetuation of a large chain of simulacra." Hence in modern times, in the postindustrial society, during the crisis of the representation regimen and perception, centered in the referent. In this limit, new settings are established by aesthetic representations of imagery in contemporary culture: establishing spaces of simulation [Jean Baudrillard] the spectacle [Guy Debord] and hypermodernity [Gilles Lipovetsky] in which they operate. In these assemblages, saps the emergence of Hyper-reality Representation Instances - as seen in this study aesthetic events to configure itineraries of a new sensibility. It is the nature of this practice sign-iconic, ingrained in the creation of current artistic expression, which this research engaged in peering: the hyper-realistic setting, taking empirical support central to contemporary imagery production, diverse formats of analog representation.

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The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution

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This work analises the social relationship between Television and the Family though the resignification of individuals about Television messages and the speeches that they make about Family. Firstly, the objective is to understand if the principles, values and beliefs constructed and communicated (repassed) inside the Family filter the messages from the Mass Media. Secondly, if there still exists a family culture able to forge identity against so many cultural exchanges. Thirdly, what the function of this identity in the production of senses is. In session 1 and 2, a general approach about the dissemination of Mass Media in Society and the pertinence of the work is presented. Session 3 is about the method used: a qualitative research, with thirteen families from Natal-RN, situated in the Middle Class. The theorical base is considered in the fourth session where the reference to the evolution of the Family is made, with enphasis on the Middle Class and some theories that analyze the pheomenom of the Mass Media , specially in the second half of twentieth century. In session 5 and 6, the research data is presented and analyzed. Finally, in the last session, as a conclusion it can be said that the value of the Family as emotional support is reforced by the speeches and practices that interfere in the signification procces, singular aspects, as well as the social repertoire constructed per si and by institutions (including the family) moreover, mediative message is assimilated by the receiver and becomes understood inside the learned speeches during the receiver s history of life, although these messsages are also components in the construction of these repertoire

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The criminal responsibility of the media is analyzed when the criteria for production of news and events involving public safety are produced without considering the technical, legal and ethical practice of journalism in the media factors. Freedom of speech, expression of thought, necessary for professional qualifications and constitutional limits, reaching criminal constitutional principles and the possibilities of criminal liability for offenses practiced in the media are present as key factors legal dialogue in this work. The judgment of the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of Law nº. 5.250/67 called Media Law caused a gap in the national legal system, forcing the use of the criminal code to address issues that involve crimes produced in media professional performance. The presumption of innocence is ignored by the professional media during a police investigation where the information published does not respect, including constitutional guarantees: the right to privacy, honor and image. The right to information and the duty to inform media are worked in its constitutional aspect, considering that the same information should be produced is guided by the quality and guiding principles of truth. The constitutional concept of media is presented as information with the appropriate language of the news media, produced and disseminated through the vehicles of mass media, whether in print or digital platform. The presented model of the legal right to information is outlined from a constitutional hermeneutics, increasing the production of news as a result of the occupation of journalist in different news platforms, guaranteeing the quality of this prolific law. Under the Freedom of professional activity of the journalist, the constitutional limits are addressed in line with the reality of (non) regulation of their profession, considering the constitutional abuses committed in the exercise of that activity linked to communication fences. Jusphilosophic field reaches the limits of the duty of truth in journalism as a tool for spreading news, respect the audience and compatibility with the constitutional state. Using the conceptual and doctrinal aspects, this criminal offense is parsed from the journalistic practice and the publication of news involving public safety, with the hypothetical field consummation of that crime through the eventual intention. As a form of judgment against these crimes produced in honor media presents the court of the jury as a legitimate form of democratic decision

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This thesis is the result of an extensive research on print media discourse on the inclusion of disabled people in society. Articles published in the newspapers Diário de Natal/O Poti and Tribuna do Norte from 1992 to 2002 have been analyzed. Beginning with the very same questions that moved Moscovici (1978) in his classic study La Psychalyse son image et son public , according to which the media play a predominant role in the formation and propagation of social representations as well as in the construction of human behaviors, we have chosen this mass media as our investigation field. Understanding the importance of the communication theory, we intend to associate it to the social representation theory, since communication, as an aspiration, relates to the fundamentals of all humanity (WOLTON, 2004, p. 56). Moreover, means of communication represent an important space for symbolic production and representational process, allowing the analysis of the circulating discourses on social inclusion and disability. Based on these questions, we have determined social representations present in print media on the subject to be our study object. This objective was elected due to the fact that the thematic of disability and inclusion is scarcely and sporadically found in journalistic speech. The research questions have been: which is the representation of disabled people s condition in print media? What changes have occurred during the analyzed period and which was the role played by print media in this process? The research corpus was composed of newspaper articles about various aspects concerning disability and of free word association by reporters. We have analysed: 1) graphical language promoted by the picture of the substances propagated in the period from 1992 a 2002; 2) free word association experiments carried out with reporters of both newspapers; and 3) texts published from 1996 to 1997 using the high-tech program ALCESTE (Contextual Lexical Analysis of a Set of Segments of Texts). The results revealed that the print media in Natal/RN refer to the topic in a discontinuous way, and depend on specific events to highlight disabled people s fight for their rights. Social inclusion is still a great challenge for these people in all levels. We believe that this incapacity to overcome all kinds of obstacles is established in a dialectic relation between society and the media: society remains silent (the manifestation of interest for the cause only attracts some people s or groups attention) and the media, which selects which information is to be broadcasted, gives no evidence to the issue. This representation may be noticed in the infrequency in which articles about the subject are published, as well as in the emphasis to sports, a more important issue for the media. An implication of this study is that a new perspective is opened for analysis and reflection: the Paralympics games as both an inclusive and a segregating social phenomenon. It would be beautiful to have all of us together!

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones