50 resultados para MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society

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To the extent that the expansion of cities is increasingly pushing and segregating the working class to outlying areas, devoid of services and infrastructure, the urban space is also important as a space in the class struggle, and in this direction, the this study aims to analyze the political organization of urban social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal-RN, nowadays, in their process of struggle for social rights, with emphasis on the right to the city. With this dimension, we appropriate the contributions of historical and dialectical materialism because we believe that this benchmark enables the understanding of the processes of collective organization and a critical perspective of totality, going beyond its immediate appearance. For production data conducted literature, documentary and field, through semi-structured interviews recorded with (the) mapped leaders of organizations in our survey, as well as advisory bodies to the movements studied. The results of the study allowed us to characterize the action of the political movements in urban Christmas struggle for recognition and guarantee of the right to the city and seize the advances and obstacles in the process of intervention of social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal, highlighting dilemmas and contradictions underlie the processes of organization and mobilization in the contemporary period. Thus, we conclude that the Natal territory, as in contemporary Brazil, the urban and political action movements that show the public scene and intertwine necessarily relate to historical trend that has been performing since the 1990s, when the country entered a period marked by a new bourgeois offensive

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The world`s ecology crisis has in the capitalism way of production one of the possible causes. The unstopped search for the profits, into unlimited exploration of limited resources, made a huge transformation in human relationships with the nature, causing environment devastation, shortage of resources and species disappearance. Arises the necessity of question the society model that we are and which brings this crisis state, while we are impelled to search an alternative way. The ecosociallist praxis blows marxist principles with ecological matters, bringing important contributions regarding alternatives to capital/exploratory modus, advocating for a social fair society and environmentally sustainable. This way, by bibliographic review, we will research about this theory which have been growing in academic middles. In the same way, we will analyze the rural social movements paper in the construct of this reality. Throut the half estruture interviwes, bibliografic research and visities in the space of settlement called Moacir Lucena, that is today a exemple of rural resignification

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Este ensaio tem como objetivo discutir premissas de análise da temática movimentos sociais e transformação societária presentes na formulação marxista. Para tanto, retoma o pensamento de autores clássicos, em especial, Lênin, Rosa Luxemburgo e Gramsci. Destaca, com base nesses autores, as determinações fundamentais para a análise das lutas sociais da classe trabalhadora, enfatizando a teoria da organização, a ampla participação das massas e a construção de uma nova hegemonia

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Este trabajo analizó el protagonismo de los Movimientos Sociales en el proceso de construcción y de aprobación del Plan Nacional de Educación (PNE 2014 - 2014) con énfasis en las metas para da Educación Universitaria. Las cuestiones que problematizan la investigación son: ¿En qué contexto histórico los Movimientos Sociales asumieron el acceso a la educación universitaria com o un derecho social? ¿Qué protagonistas se involucraron en el debate sobre la política de educación universitaria en el PNE (2014 - 2024)? ¿Qué confrontaciones y antagonismos están presentes allí? ¿Cuál es el papel de los Movimientos Sociales en la Conferenc ia Nacional de Educación (CONAE) y en el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE)? Para contestarlas, articulamos la política educacional propuesta por el PNE con las reivindicaciones históricas de los Movimientos Sociales por el acceso a la educación como un dere cho social, evidenciando el proceso de construcción de las directrices, las metas y las estrategias en los contextos políticos de articulación, proposición y reivindicación en los que se produjo la actuación de los protagonistas para la elaboración y la ap robación de esta política, tanto cuanto los antagonismos identificados. Como aporte teórico/metodológico adoptamos como objeto de estudio empírico los procesos de construcción y aprobación del mencionado PNE dentro de los espacios de participación colectiv a, en la construcción de acuerdos y proposiciones como la Conferencia Nacional de Educación realizada en 2010 en Brasilia/DF, las conferencias municipales, intermunicipales y de los Estados, el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE) y la Comisión Especial de la Cámara Federal que lo antecedieron. Para el análisis de los documentos y de los testimonios de los protagonistas de los Movimientos Sociales seleccionados como sujetos de la investigación, los guías teóricos y los fundamentos conceptuales fueron la sociolo gía de las ausencias, la sociologías de las emergencias y el procedimiento de traducción propuesto por Boaventura Santos ( 2005; 2006; 2007; 2010), en diálogo con otros guías teóricos, como las nociones de confrontación política y oportunidad política organ izadas por Sidney Tarrow (2009). Partiendo de esa base conceptual, privilegiamos la relación de los Movimientos Sociales con la agenda de la educación brasileña cuando direccionados al PNE, analizada en base a las contribuciones de Germano (2013; 2011; 200 8; 2007; 1982), Dourado (2011; 2010; 2006); Saviani (2014; 2010; 2009; 2007; 2004,), Gohn (2012; 2010; 1997; 1995), Dagnino (1994) y Scherer - Warren (1993), entre los autores que contribuyen con el carácter transdisciplinario de esta investigación. Las cont ribuciones de estos autores propician el entendimiento de la diversidad epistemológica encontrada en las experiencias llevadas adelante en los Movimientos Sociales mediante sus actuaciones en los diversos espacios sociales e institucionales, observando las conquistas obtenidas en la política educacional contenida en el PNE 2014 - 2024, así como la comprensión de la lucha por el reconocimiento social y sus conexiones con los temas emergentes presentes en el debate de la educación nacional. De este modo, el est udio indica elementos que posibilitaron la confirmación de la tesis de que la Política de Educación Universitaria aprobada en el PNE 2014 - 2024 (Ley nº 13.005/2014) representa las resonancias de las movilizaciones y reivindicaciones de los Movimientos Socia les por el acceso a la educación como un derecho social inalienable.

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Este trabalho se debruçou sobre a produção audiovisual das movimentações de protesto ocorridas em Natal, capital do Rio Grande do Norte, entre maio e junho de 2011, denominadas #ForaMicarla. Objetivou-se caracterizar esta produção numa tentativa de responder o porquê e como eles lançaram mão do vídeo em suas ações, sob as hipóteses de que a midiatização e o acesso facilitado a estas tecnologias tinham a ver com suas opções. Lançou-se mão de procedimentos histórico-dialético e teoria fundamentada (Fragoso, Recuero e Amaral), a partir das técnicas de observação não-participante, aplicação de questionário e entrevistas em profundidade. Posicionou-se estas movimentações sociais em redes, na conceituação de Castells, dentro de uma perspectiva da contra-hegemonia como uma Mídia Radical (Downing), sendo um Audiovisual de Combate (Bustos). Esta mídia possui as características do Novo Protesto (Assis), inserido no contexto da midiatização da sociedade de Verón e Sodré. Tentou-se também identificar historicamente as origens do poder hegemônico e a estrutura oligárquica, coronelística e familiar que fundou o poder no Brasil, apropriando-se do conceito de Coronelismo Eletrônico de Lima e Lopes e Assistencialismo Midiático de Guareschi, Dias e Hartmann. Através dos dados obtidos houve a emersão das categorias para análise deste tipo de audiovisual.

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The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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práticas artificiais, que incluem a experiência midiática, numa negociação/conciliação permanente entre a cultura objetiva (social) e a subjetiva (do indivíduo). A mediação cotidiana e fundamental é a comunicação do real com o imaginário. Para além do ato ou efeito de mediar, de estar entre, as mediações são a articulação entre práticas de comunicação e movimentos sociais; são as modalidades da comunicação dentro das quais se inserem os meios e que estão ligadas ao sensorium dos modos de percepção e da experiência social. O cinema reflete esse quadro como produto de uma experiência coletiva de fascínio mágico, um lugar de participação afetiva. Comporta elementos do jogo não competitivo e também apresenta elementos do sagrado pela alimentação e divulgação de mitos, pela ritualização convertida em periodicidade e pelo extraordinário evocado em êxtase profano.

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The organizations are characterized as dynamic spaces, they are being revisited and redefined, because they constitute structural human spaces and new vain outlines won expression. As it begins, of the non consensus in its conception, it is explicit the complexity degree that is identified in the plurality and diversity, brought by the people that compose them, characterizing it as accomplishment space, of happiness and also of conflict, of relationships of power and organizational limits and from birth and burial of faiths, values, norms, symbols, knowledge and rituals, therefore, deeply human. In that way, to know the administration of the organization is preponderant condition for the format of the human relationships to be delineated in its living. Like this the work makes an option in knowing the social administration, this work tries to know and analyze the values and beginnings of the social administration; revealling characteristics and specificities of the organizational performance of UNIPOP that contribute to the formation of the conception of Social Administration, it tends as source of the information the managers of the institution; to identify the formative values of UNIPOP that contribute to the youths' partner-political action in the community, tends for reference the current students of the organization and last to evaluate values structurates and supporting that interconnection between the organizational Administration, formation youth's program, participation and autonomy and attendance, starting from the existences gained by the exits, of that program. This way, the research will be qualitative, looking for understanding starting from their documents, the existence of those values

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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field

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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

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The dynamics of social fights in Santa Maria district, Aracaju, represents, in this study, the search process for understanding and analyzing the articulations of the social movements, their victories, and their ways of practicing politics, it proposes, therefore, a search for explanations and to reflect upon some issues such as: what are the dynamics of social fights and victories of the popular social movements is Santa Maria District? How do they work to solve their problems and to answer the demands along with the institutions that are responsible for the public policies in the district? With the answers to these and other questions, an analysis of the population‟s fights with the support of local social movements will be conducted. It will be done based on the historical-critical perspective of the social movements within the context of social live, through a qualitative approach based on semi=structured interviews applied to people who are close observers of the district‟s reality, and on the analysis of News contents that were published in two newspapers from Aracaju in previous years, especially from 2004 to 2008. In face of the material studied about the News from newspapers and the contents of magazines, it is evident that the local popular movements began as a new way of practicing politics that was characterized by a reproductive practice of the status quo. There is one perspective left for the population from Santa Maria District, that they demand the local leadership to take actions in face of their dynamic of fights

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El presente trabajo discute la Educación para la Ciudadanía en la Educación Superior, destacando los desafíos y las potencialidades de la Universidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte (UERN); que organiza su acción política y pedagógica conforme a las exigencias de la actual política educacional para este nivel de educación. Analiza la relación de ésta con la Educación Básica a partir del estudio del Proyecto Pedagógico del Curso de Ciencias Sociales discutiendo la educación para la ciudadanía y la formación ciudadana de los futuros profesores de la educación básica en consonancia con la LDB 9.394/96, con las Directrices Curriculares Nacionales para los cursos de Docencia y además para programas y políticas de orientación para la educación superior que resultaron de la conquistas de los movimientos sociales y que son propuestos por medio de las siguientes secretarías: Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (SECAD) y Secretaria de Educação Superior (SESu). La reflexión incluye el estudio de tales temáticas en el eje de temas emergentes que organizan el debate educacional, sobretodo en América Latina, y los desafíos de las universidades que actúan en el contexto de la periferia en la desconstrucción del dominio simbólico del colonialismo cultural y la construcción de la globalización alternativa y contra hegemónica a la globalización neoliberal. El estudio evidencia que la idea de ciudadanía en la sociabilización contemporánea presenta una ambigüedad política consecuente de los procesos de globalización creciente siendo necesario que la perspectiva de la educación para la ciudadanía adoptada en la formación de los profesionales de a educación sea re politizada a partir de la noción de ciudadanía colectiva y multicultural apoyada en los principios de democracia y justicia social, construida en las interfaces de la educación escolar y prácticas educativas en lo entorno social, y en los espacios políticos de organización y movilización colectiva en torno de las conquistas por los derechos civiles, sociales, políticos y culturales, y la inclusión de temas y valores emergentes en la educación que interligados e interdependientes, garanticen su efectividad