Gustavo Barroso, o führer brasileiro: nação e identidade no discurso integralista barrosiano de 1933-1937

The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Gustavo Barroso sought to discursively construct what would be the Brazilian spatiality through an Interpretation of national history marked by the Jewish conspiracy theory, a racist doctrine in various aspects dialogued with Nazi doctrine, and the thought the Catholic Restoration. Writing that built a given image of the nation. Writing and producing product that is the source of other discourses that operate on the world, appointing him, enveloping him in a load of meanings. Interpretations of time and space that discursively construct realities and ways of being in the world. For the development of this work we will focus mainly on the analysis of the literature of the period integralist Gustavo Barroso since the year 1933 until the year 1937, as well as undertake an analysis of the Cohen Plan, which we understood to be the heir of a grid of thought that falls in line with the theories of political and racial anti-Semitic plot. Thus, we assume that it is necessary to think of the space also in their political and cultural dimensions, and with an barrosiana significance of national space, expressed in the discursive field, the result of a given historical moment and engaged with certain power relations, which unfold through complex relationships, we understand that Barroso made the reading of the Brazilian nation would be its own representation.

"Ombro a ombro com os mais fracos": a inserção de João Café Filho nos espaços do trabalhador na cidade do Natal 1922 - 1937

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how João Café Filho constituted a discourse of advocate of the labor movement and workers in different sociability spaces. It is intended to understand, on one hand, how political relations were established between different categories of workers and the ‘middle classes’ and, on the other hand, how places were instituted to house the meeting of these relations. It a ims to understand the insertion of Café Filho in union activities in the urban world. It demonstrates specificities of the political culture in Natal emphasizing the dispute between a city politically ruled by a still reigning rural paternalistic mentality and the rise of a new way to experience the urban conflicts which appeared. Temporally, the work is delimited between 1922 (proclaimed by Café Filho himself as the initial period of his political action) and 1937 (when he broke up with Vargas and went into exile in Argentina). The research was constituted by three main document types: several published newspapers between the decades of 1920 and 1930 in the cities of Natal, Recife, São Paulo, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; the autobiographical memoirs written by Café Filho himself and memoirs of other people who lived in his time. The main pillars that have supported the work were: the concepts of society and individuals (ELIAS, 1994; 1995), political cultures (BERSTEIN, 1998) and theater of the memory (GOMES, 2004); the sociability spaces category (CERTEAU, 1994; MALATIAN, 2001; RIOX, 1996); the biography notion (DOSSE, 2009; LORIGA, 2011). We demonstrated that Café Filho acted in some sociability spaces as: the Jornal do Norte, the Federação Regional do Trabalho and the Partido Democrático Nacional. In such spaces, Café Filho, gradually, become an important leader of workers and, at the same time, linked to national entities led to the opposition that fight against the power established in the Brazilian First Republic. In Café Filho’s interpretation, workers were individuals who needed to fight against the political structures prevailing at that time because the poor living conditions and the low representativeness of this group were caused by the way the political system in the First Republic was structured. After the 1930 Movement, the 3 de Outubro Club, the Jornal and the Labor Federation of Natal were constituted in spaces where the cafeista critical discourse about the government was changed: workers should follow the official syndicalism and defend the 1930 Movement which put Vargas in the presidency of the Republic.